Tens of thousands of people are missing out on free essential healthcare services in the restive English-speaking North West Region of Cameroon as the government maintains a suspension on the activities of medical aid group Médecins Sans Frontières/Doctors Without Border (MSF) in the region.
Authorities had in December 2020 forcefully halted the work of MSF on claims that the charity was colluding with armed separatist fighters seeking to secede from Cameroon and create their own state named ‘Ambazonia’. MSF has repeatedly denied the accusation and says it stands by its charter which requires the provision of healthcare without discrimination or heed to political or religious affiliations.
Despite MSF’s denial of wrongdoing and the necessity of healthcare provision, the government has yet to lift the ban six months after. People continue to live in limbo in a region where the government itself recently acknowledged that 30 percent of health facilities were no longer functional due to the drawn-out conflict.
MSF has now called on the government of Cameroon to allow it to resume operations and provide much-need medical and humanitarian relief to people in distress. Authorities have officially not responded to the request.
According to Emmanuel Lampaert, MSF Operations Coordinator for Central Africa, it is unacceptable that people who have fled violence into blushes are denied vital medical services for six months and counting. “This decision represents a substantial blow to medical and humanitarian access.”
Since 2018 when Doctors Without Borders started its intervention in the conflict-plagued English-speaking regions of Cameroon, it has treated patients for rape, physical and psychological torture, burns and gunshots. MSF teams have also largely handled patients in need of medical assistance for childbirth, malaria or diarrhea. Last year alone, the charity attended to 150,000 people in troubled regions.
“As we speak, our community health workers see people die and suffer because of the lack of treatment available in villages and displaced communities, and our ambulance call center continues to receive emergency requests, which they are forced to decline. What rationale can justify these unnecessary deaths?” Lampaert bemoaned.
Recent recurrent battles between government troops and increasingly bold armed separatists have exacerbated insecurity. This, coupled with Monday ghost towns, curfews, occasional lockdowns and the targeting of health facilities, have gravely disrupted access to healthcare. Economic hardship brought about by the drawn-out conflict has made it difficult for people to be able to transport themselves to health facilities or even pay for treatment. Many hospitals have suffered arson attacks or have been repurposed into military bases.
Yenfui Delphine, a young mother based in Bamenda, told Ubuntu Times she is one of those who feel the pinch of the absence of MSF. While making allusion to her son who felt seriously sick two months ago, Yenfui said MSF teams used to be there for people who had emergencies but lacked a means of transportation and money. “Without them, it is very risky getting a sick one by motorcycle [the only option available] to the nearby health facility on a ghost town day,” she said.
In 2020, MSF teams in the North West Region treated 180 survivors of sexual violence; 1,725 mental health consultations were provided; 3,272 surgeries were performed; 4,407 patients were referred by ambulance, of which more than 1,000 were women in labor; 42,578 consultations were provided by community health volunteers, mostly for malaria, diarrhea and respiratory tract infections.
Lampaert said MSF staff, volunteers and patients have regularly faced threats and violence from both state and non-state armed groups, with very little respect shown for the humanitarian principles of impartiality and neutrality. “Our ambulances have been fired on and stolen, community health workers have faced sexual assault and murder, armed men have opened fire inside medical facilities, and our colleagues have faced death threats. Despite these extremely difficult situations, our staff kept on providing care to people in need, day after day.”
Since 2017, Cameroon’s two English-speaking regions have been ravaged by a bloody socio-political conflict. Low-level protests erupted in 2016 against decades of marginalization of the minority Anglophones by the Francophone-dominated government of long-serving President Paul Biya. The government responded with force and pushed many to the extreme, triggering an unending war.
To date, it is estimated that over 5,000 civilians, soldiers and separatist fighters have been killed, while no fewer than three million others are affected by the conflict. The war has internally displaced 712,800, according to OCHA and the UN refugee agency – United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has registered 66,718 people who have crossed over the border to Nigeria as refugees.
Several government officials, including ministers, charged with the country’s Coronavirus response have been found wanting in their spending of COVID-19 funds, according to a recently leaked preliminary report by the Audit Bench of the Supreme Court of Cameroon. The mismanagement and misappropriation are connected to an FCFA 180 billion (USD 338 million) Coronavirus Response Special National Solidarity Fund instituted in 2020.
In the summary report, government auditors disclosed that besides lapses in procurement procedures, there was widespread overbilling in the purchase of personal protective equipment (PPEs). This cost the state to lose close to FCFA 1.3 billion (circa USD 2.4 million). Also, some 100,000 face masks and 1,000 PPEs, donated by Chinese business mogul Jack Ma, could not be traced in the store’s accounting records of the ministry of public health.
Auditors also fault officials of the ministry of public health for circa FCFA 14.5 billion lost in overbilling through a contract for the supply of rapid tests kits awarded to Mediline Medical Cameroon SA. The firm, which is said to have been registered in 2017 but has had no experience in medical supplies and an inactive empty bank account, was granted a quasi-monopoly – supplying 89.97 percent of the country’s COVID-19 test kits.
Mediline Medical Cameroon SA bagged home FCFA 24.5 billion for 1.4 million test kits, giving a unit price of FCFA 17,500 per kit. But auditors reveal that, by the time the contract was being awarded to Mediline Medical Cameroon SA, the same STANDARD Q COVID-19 AG TEST could have been purchased directly from pharmaceutical firm SD BIOSENSOR at FCFA 7,084 per kit as proposed by the producer. Despite the whopping FCFA 10,415 disparity, the ministry of public health, in the fourth quarter of 2020, continued to buy the COVID-19 test kits through Mediline at FCFA 17,500 per kit whereas it could get the same through The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria at FCFA 2,932 per kit.
Though the unit price of the SD BIOSENSOR-produced STANDARD Q COVID-19 AG TEST proposed by Mediline Medical Cameroon SA was far much higher than applicable market prices, the ministry of trade is said to have biasedly okayed the price.
The auditors also noted in their report that some 610,000 COVID-19 test kits could not be accounted for. But the invoice for their supply was sent by Moda Holdings Hong Kong to Mediline Medical Cameroon SA on behalf of the ministry of public health.
In addition, Mediline Medical Cameroon SA and Yao Pharm Sarl were both awarded two contracts worth FCFA 880 million in August 2020 to furnish 16 medicalized ambulances within 90 days. But as at December 31, 2020, none had been delivered.
Again, the Audit Bench of the Supreme Court indicates that FCFA 657 million was allocated to the Institute for Medical Research and Studies of Medicinal Plants (IMPM) to locally produce 5 million tablets of hydroxychloroquine and 5 million tablets of azithromycin. Instead, IMPM imported from India, 5 million tablets of hydroxychloroquine, 5 million tablets of azithromycin and 300kg of raw material for the production of azithromycin. The institute proceeded to repackage the drugs with the inscriptions: “Produced by Zaneka, Packaged by IMPM,” though the packages with which the drugs reached Cameroon met good packaging standards and quality. According to Cameroonian regulations, the competence to import drugs lies with the National Supply Centre for Essential Drugs and Consumables (CENAME).
IMPM had also used FCFA 70 million of its budget to rehabilitate its production facilities although the department of pharmacy, drugs and laboratory in the ministry of public health had advised that the institute was unable to carry out local production.
The auditors also observed opacity in the management of funds destined to take care of COVID-19 patients as well as irregularities and disparities in the allowances given to healthcare personnel. In addition to products and services which were paid for but not rendered, auditors noted wasteful expenditure without any appropriate budgets. Other cases which smack of embezzlement were also highlighted in the report.
Ndi Nancy Saiboh, Executive Director of Actions for Development and Empowerment (ADE); a civil society organization that has been pushing for government transparency and accountability, welcomed the move. According to Saiboh, it had become expedient for the government to block financial leakages and ensure that funds do not end up in personal pockets.
“Our experience with the tracking of COVID-19 funds has revealed a deeply rooted systemic profiteering culture, especially in an environment that lacks accountability and civic engagement, ” Saiboh said.
Leader of the opposition Social Democratic Front party in the Littoral Region, Hon. Jean Michel Nintcheu has called for the immediate resignation of Ministers Manaouda Malachie, Madeleine Tchuente and Paul Atanga Nji, who were the key officials fronting government’s response efforts.
The audit which was ordered by the president follows recommendations of the IMF. Countries receiving IMF financing during the crisis are expected to publish pandemic-related procurement contracts and the beneficial ownership of companies awarded these contracts, as well as COVID-19 spending reports and audit results. By October 2020, IMF had granted a total of USD 382 million to Cameroon under the Rapid Credit Facility.
Sarah Saadoun, senior business and human rights researcher at Human Rights Watch said: “The IMF should take seriously the opportunity a new multi-year loan program presents to press for deep-seated governance reforms that will improve Cameroon’s transparency and accountability during this pandemic and beyond.”
The Cameroon Renaissance Movement (CRM), a significant political party in Cameroon, has announced that come 22 September 2020, it will carry out mass protests in a bid to oust long-serving President Paul Biya. The party’s spokesperson, Olivier Bibou Nissack said “Paul Biya must go” and rolled out the hashtag #CameroonRevolution.
Battle lines between the Biya government and the opposition were drawn on 7 September 2020 when President Paul Biya convened the first-ever election to put in place regional councils. The election is due to take place in all divisional headquarters on 6 December 2020. Maurice Kamto, Chairman of CRM and Biya’s main challenger in the 2018 presidential election, had warned in August that should the election be convened without reforms to the electoral code and a solution to the four-year-long Anglophone crisis, he was going to launch a gigantic campaign for the forceful departure of Biya. The president’s decision to call for the election has given momentum to the planned revolt.
Though supporters of the Biya regime are trying to play down the seriousness of the planned popular uprising, Atia Tilarious Azohnwi, a Ph.D. researcher in political science at the University of Istanbul, says Kamto’s threat to oust Biya must be taken seriously. “Cameroon already meets all the conditions necessary for a popular revolution. There’s the general perception that the government of the day has failed and the people are hungry for change,” Azohnwi told Ubuntu Times. He cited perceived political, economic, and social oppression, as well as political incompetence as factors which may push the people to revolt against the government at the slightest ignition.
“Most revolutions in history have often been started by the bold and the outspoken – it always starts like a joke and before long, those who are quiet and careful are co-opted. If the kind of crowd that welcomed Kamto from his tour abroad were to heed to his revolution call, then we can expect anything to happen,” the researcher said.
So far, two other opposition parties – Popular Action Party (PAP) and Mouvement Democratique de Conscience National (MODECNA) – have declared they will be joining the CRM in protest. The campaign organizers were still negotiating by press time to bring on board the Cameroon People’s Party (CPP), which is famous for its Black Friday protests, a CRM top official hinted. Many civil society organizations are said to be signing up for the mass protests.
According to the CRM top official, who preferred anonymity because s/he was not mandated to talk to the press, the protest will be staged nationwide and across the world in countries where Cameroon has diplomatic representation. “We are aware we are dealing with a rogue government. Our strategy is to keep the planning discreet so as to catch the government off guard,” the source told Ubuntu Times, indicating that the protest day could change for strategic reasons.
Government on Red Alert
Protests in Cameroon; be they peaceful or violent, are often met with force by the police and gendarmes. On 22 September 2017 when Anglophone Cameroonians poured out on the streets of the North West and South West regions to express dissent, security forces opened fire and teargassed many protestors. As the government violently squashed the peaceful protests, it pushed many to the extreme and fanned the ongoing, drawn-out Anglophone crisis.
Paul Atanga Nji, Minister of Territorial Administration, has warned that “no disorder shall be tolerated from any political party or any political actor.” The minister said in the event of any “public disorder”, administrative authorities would take necessary measures to maintain law and order. But the minister did not state exactly which measures will be taken against protestors of the planned revolt. However, in the past, such measures have often included arrest, torture and detention, as well as the firing of rubber bullets and teargas.
The external relations ministry on its part has called on heads of Cameroon diplomatic missions abroad to fortify security at embassies, consulates and diplomatic residences, citing recent attacks on such structures by the Cameroonian diaspora. Though the ministry’s leaked communication does not make allusion to the upcoming protest, it is likely that it was orchestrated by it. Brigade Anti-Sardinards (BAS), a global anti-Biya pressure group which supports Kamto, has attacked several of Cameroon’s embassies, especially in France, in recent times.
A source close to Yaounde hinted that the government might tamper with internet connectivity in order to frustrate social media and online mobilization.
Cat and Mouse Relationship
A former ally of Biya, Maurice Kamto turned to be one of Biya’s sternest critics. He has accused Biya of bad governance and says the 87-year old is unable to run the country due to his ailing nature. In 2018, Kamto challenged President Biya at the polls. But Biya swept 71.28% of the votes to extend his 36-year rule back then, to 2025, leaving Kamto at the second position with 14.23% votes. Kamto and the CRM contested the results on grounds that the election was marred by gross irregularities. Kamto declared himself the “President-elect” of Cameroon, and alongside his supporters, they organized several protests across the country against “electoral hold up” which landed at least 117 of them in prison.
Maurice Kamto, the main opposition leader in Cameroon, is bent on ousting President Biya through a popular revolt. Following the 2018 presidential vote, he declared himself “President-elect” and accused Biya of stealing his victory. Credit: Stephen Mengnjo / Ubuntu Times
Kamto and his close allies, including Albert Dzongang, Celestine Djamen, and Christian Penda Ekoka were detained for nine months for disrupting public order, perpetrating various assaults, insurrection and rebellion. The CRM leader and his supporters regained freedom in October 2019, following a presidential pardon seen as a national reconciliation move but which later turned out to be diplomatic pressure from France. Since then, the relationship between Biya and Kamto has remained hostile.
The International Crisis Group says Cameroon is a classic example of a fragile state in many aspects, especially with its characteristic weak institutions. According to the Fragile State Index 2020, Cameroon was the 11th most fragile state in the world, out of some 178 surveyed. Under President Paul Biya, the country has been poorly rated over the years by independent watchdog organizations with regards to democracy, political rights and civil liberties, with a sharp fall in press freedom. Biya has been in power for close to four decades now and there are no indications he is willing to leave soon.
Three United Nations special rapporteurs on extrajudicial executions, freedom of opinion, and torture have been called upon to investigate and expose the true circumstances leading to the death of Cameroonian journalist Samuel Wazizi, whose legal name was Samuel Ajiekah Abwue. Paris-based press freedom advocacy group, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), made the request on August 11, 2020, the organization said in a statement.
Many rights groups, including Reporters Without Borders, have doubted government’s official account of Wazizi’s death. “The government’s version is riddled with inconsistencies and we doubt that we will learn the truth from the promised investigation. We, therefore, urge the United Nations to do everything in their power to ensure that the circumstances resulting in Samuel Wazizi’s death are established,” Paul Coppin, Head of RSF’s Legal Unit, said. After Wazizi’s death was officially made public on June 5, 2020, President Biya promised to carry out an independent and transparent inquiry into the matter, but till now there has been no outcome.
Wazizi’s family, colleagues, and rights groups suspect the journalist was either severely tortured or mistreated. Back then in June, the Committee to Protect Journalists’ Africa Programme Coordinator, Angela Quintal said the Cameroonian government’s treatment of journalist Samuel Wazizi was cruel and shocking. “It is unbelievable that authorities covered up his death in custody for 10 months despite repeated inquiries from press freedom advocates and his family, colleagues, friends, and lawyers,” Quintal said.
RSF wants the UN to put pressure on the government of President Paul Biya to disclose those who perpetrated the death of the journalist and prosecute them accordingly.
Wazizi, a Pidgin newscaster and cameraman working for Chillen Muzik Television (CMTV) in Buea was arrested on August 2, 2019, in connection to the ongoing, drawn-out Anglophone crisis. Five days following his arrest, he was transferred by soldiers from the Muea police station, where he had been temporarily detained, to the 21st Motorized Infantry Brigade in Buea. Wazizi was subsequently transferred to an undisclosed facility and held incommunicado until his death. The journalist was suspected of having links with separatists but was never given the opportunity to appear in court for an impartial, free and fair trial. It is very likely the crackdown on Wazizi must have been related to the journalist’s critical reporting of the ongoing separatist conflict between resolute armed separatists seeking to create a state they would call ‘Ambazonia’ and government troops.
Under President Paul Biya, 87, who has been in power for close to four decades, Cameroon has in recent times seen a sharp decline in press freedom, making it difficult for journalists to hold authorities to account. The media landscape has been increasingly hostile that it is common for journalists critical of the regime to suffer intimidation, arbitrary arrest, and detention, as well as torture. Some, like Mbom Sixtus, have been forced to go on exile. Others have been gagged from speaking truth to power.
Cameroon is rated “Not Free” by Freedom House and the central African nation dropped five places in two years to emerged the 134th country in the world on RSF’s 2020 World Press Freedom Index.
May 23 — In early April, a persistent phenomenon of Chinese mistreatment of Africans reared its ugly head. It was unexpected at such a particularly difficult and strange time as the world remained in the midst of grappling with the Coronavirus. The recent wave of mistreatment of Africans was inspired by claims that Africans were responsible for new imported cases of COVID-19 in Guangzhou. But the claims have remained callous as most of the targeted Africans had no recent travel history, and the Chinese city of Wuhan was the epicenter of the virus.
The treatment meted out on Africans in Guangzhou by Chinese local authorities and some Chinese was a toxic mix of inhumanity, wickedness and insanity, victims who spoke to Ubuntu Times disclosed. It smacked of pure racism. Some Africans were forcefully evicted from their homes and abandoned to take refuge on the streets, under the biting night cold. Others were compelled to undergo multiple screening, while some were forced to quarantine in certain lodging facilities at their own cost. “Africans have been subjected to high levels of scrutiny, suspicion, anger, and discrimination in Guangzhou,” Keith B. Richburg, Director of the Journalism and Media Studies Centre at the University of Hong Kong said in an interview with Al Jazeera.
Human rights activists and organizations couldn’t be indifferent to the abuse. “Chinese authorities claim ‘zero tolerance’ for discrimination, but what they are doing to Africans in Guangzhou is a textbook case of just that,” Yaqiu Wang, China researcher at Human Rights Watch said. “Beijing should immediately investigate and hold accountable all officials and others responsible for discriminatory treatment.”
Others like Carine Kaneza Nantulya, Africa advocacy director at Human Rights Watch have called on African governments to urge the Chinese government to cease all discrimination against Africans in China. “African governments should also press China to enforce measures to prevent discrimination in the future,” she said.
The pressure on the Chinese government over the Guangzhou incident seemed to have been too much. And then, Beijing said it will take steps to lay the matter to rest through new anti-discrimination regulations. But this remedy to many an African in China is merely a strategy to douse diplomatic tensions between the Asian giant and Africa.
China’s political system, which works towards the economic empowerment of the country, has characteristics which breed gross rights violation. Being critical of the Chinese government is the last thing any person based in Mainland China will want to do. So, in the aftermath of the Guangzhou incident, many Africans Ubuntu Times contacted were reticent for fear of victimization.
An African in Shandong province, who asked not to be named, said local police officers unjustifiably detained him and a friend. “They came to our apartment and asked us to follow them to the station. When we got there, they said we had not registered our presence in the town with the police district. We showed relevant documentation to prove we had done the right thing but no one cared to listen to us. They locked us up,” the African said. Both of them ended up paying a ‘fine’ of ¥ 1,200 (about $ 170) each before regaining freedom.
Chinese Dark Side in Africa
Mistreatment and racial discrimination/attack against Africans seem to be deeply ingrained in all aspects of Chinese national life. China’s infamous racist detergent ad — considered as the most racist TV commercial ever made — puts this in practical context. In the 2016 TV commercial, a Chinese detergent is forced into the mouth of a dirty-looking black man by a Chinese lady. The black man is then pushed into a washing machine only to emerge as a sparkling white Asian man.
China isn’t doing much to suppress the mistreatment and racial discrimination/attack against Africans and other black people. This can probably be accounted for by its lack of diversity — the country remains reluctant to boost long-term immigration. And the laxity in checking against racism is encouraging Chinese nationals to go haywire, even more on the African continent.
In April 2020, two Tanzanians were rescued off the coast of South Africa after being thrown out of a Chinese vessel into shark-invested waters. The Chinese captain of the cargo ship and his six crew members later pleaded guilty in a Durban court for attempting to murder the two black stowaways on grounds that they could infect them with the Coronavirus. Such mistreatment of Africans by Chinese in Africa isn’t new. There are indications it could only get worse.
Nowadays in much of Africa, the Chinese build more infrastructure than any other country; be it foreign or African. Chinese banks, especially the EXIM Bank of China, are financing billions of dollars in new loans, aid packages, and other deals to build badly-needed infrastructure across the continent as Africa looks forward to becoming the global powerhouse of the future by 2063. And it is Chinese companies that are doing most of the engineering and construction work.
With the rolling out of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation as well as the Belt and Road Initiative, Chinese companies have been at the fore of major construction works in Africa such as the construction of roads, bridges, stadia, dams and public buildings. This trend is widely expected to continue as Beijing turns to its new development bank, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) to focus more of its economic diplomacy on building infrastructure.
Although the Chinese are making a huge contribution to Africa’s infrastructure development, this comes at a great cost. The quality of some Chinese-built structures is also questionable. There have been reports of Chinese-built structures that quickly develop cracks after construction, roads that quickly fall apart, structures built by Chinese contractors that wreak havoc on its users and so on. Also, Chinese infrastructure and investment companies operating in Africa, especially in some priority landscapes, have been noted for flouting Guidelines of Sustainable Infrastructure for Chinese International Contractors (SIG); something they won’t dare back home.
Nine locals were killed in a cave-in on December 29, 2017, on a mining site abandoned by a Chinese company in east Cameroon. The Chinese company had flouted local regulations as it failed to fill in the hole and secure the mining site it had just pulled out of, despite inherent dangers. Credit: FODER or Forêts et Developpement Rural
The SIG guidelines were developed by the China International Contractors Association (CHINCA), to which most member companies are or have subsidiaries operating in Africa. However, Chinese companies constructing major infrastructures in Africa have come under fire for highly disrespecting human rights and environmental exigencies inherent in the execution of their projects. Cases abound like in 2014 when the China Water and Electricity Corporation in charge of constructing the Lom-Pangar dam was accused of violating the rights of workers. There were also industrial strike actions in protest of the high-handedness of the China First Highway Engineering Corporation constructing the Douala-Yaounde double carriageway. The China Harbor Engineering Corporation (CHEC) was also indicted for not respecting its corporate social responsibility in the construction of the Kribi deep seaport.
Since 2011, a company with links to China has been keen on threatening Cameroon’s biodiversity and the survival of indigenous people. Sud-Cameroun Hevea (Sudcam) has destroyed almost 25,000 acres — the size of Paris — of dense tropical rainforest for a plantation to satisfy its appetite for rubber. Besides displacing locals and depriving them of their land and livelihood, the monoculture plantation has touched the Dja Faunal Reserve, a UNESCO World Heritage site.
Locals in remote villages in Cameroon have also been among the Africans to be mistreated by Chinese, who in most cases often enter the country illegally or overstay their visas. In the mining localities east of Cameroon, Chinese miners frequently beat up locals, seize their wives and lands and operate like demi-gods as they mine away millions of francs CFA in precious stones. In 2017, a Chinese who had a minor disagreement with a Cameroonian pulled out a short gun and opened fire. The local died! They often bribe local officials to get away with such impunity.
In Kenya early this year, a Chinese chef, who didn’t hold a work permit, was caught on camera flogging his employee — a waiter — over allegations of reporting late to work. The victim later said he was fired for the same offense. The victim said, for over six months, he amongst other Kenyan workers had been enduring the Chinese beating with a special cane made of wires for fear of losing their jobs. “He [Chinese chef] is very harsh and arrogant. As you can see there are no jobs in Kenya. All employees had to bend low in order to keep the job. I, personally, was whipped more than once but, this time, it was worse,” the victim told K24 Tv back then.
No Easy Way Out
Any form of racism or mistreatment anywhere is unacceptable. But that of Chinese, particularly in Africa, is one too many.
According to Hannah Wanjie Ryder, CEO of Development Reimagined; the first-ever Kenyan wholly foreign-owned international development and diplomacy firm in China, the Chinese government has a clear policy — that any form of racism and discrimination is not acceptable. “However, Chinese people are human. There is no country in the world, no society in the world, that does not have some form of racism and discrimination, especially towards black and African people but also others. China has one of the smallest international migrant communities in the world. Thus, what matters is how quickly and seriously the Chinese government acts to remind and educate [its] citizens of, and enforce, its official position, both in China or abroad,” she told Ubuntu Times.
Ryder confirms Africans across the world are treated unequally, be it in terms of visa policies, access to health, and even to jobs and business opportunities. “Whether as a diplomat or business leader, I have had personal experience of this unequal treatment around the world. China is not an exception. And usually, these issues are too many and complex for African leaders to respond to every time, they must prioritize.”
The CEO of Development Reimagined argues that because of the evidence of the magnitude of the problem, what African leaders must now do going forwards is encourage their key trade and investment partners — such as China — to demonstrate their commitment to Africa by making their countries a friendly and conducive business environment for Africans in particular. “Without this commitment, it will be very hard for economic relationships with African countries and people to evolve for the better,” she said.
The coronavirus (COVID-19) is now a reality in Cameroon as the number of confirmed cases has jumped to 56, up from the initial two on March 6, 2020. The novel coronavirus, which was detected late last year in the Chinese city of Wuhan, continues to unleash itself across the globe, already affecting over three-quarter of the world. As of March 23, 2020, over 360,000 cases had been registered worldwide, with 15,491 deaths, according to curated data.
Back in January, even before the World Health Organisation (WHO) declared the coronavirus a public health emergency of international concern, it had made known the possible danger of COVID-19 spreading to countries with weaker health systems like Cameroon. WHO called on countries to be proactive to contain the spread of the virus, as it was still at a stage where containment was possible. So, it may be safe to say the virus did not take Cameroon by surprise.
In response to the global health crisis, the government of Cameroon on March 17, 2020 adopted a 13-point measure to limit the spread of the coronavirus across the country. These include border closure, suspension of sporting events, shutdown of schools, the restriction of gathering of persons, amongst others. The government ought to have gotten a pat on the back. But considering the astronomical rise in the number of cases between the time the prevention plan was rolled out and now, it is clear the measures aren’t rigorous enough. Besides its glaring limitations, the strategy could further be undermined by a multiplicity of factors, most notably corruption.
Endemic Corruption
Transparency international says Cameroon is “greatly affected by corruption,” which is “so rampant,” citing specifically bribery and extortion. Cameroon has topped TI’s Corruption Perception Index twice as the most corrupt country in the world. And the country has continued to rank low. There is no doubt the coronavirus will meet the all-pervasive corruption in the country.
Experience has shown that crises, which often involve response money, breed corruption, particularly when officials are self-seeking opportunists. This could potentially increase the pace and danger of contagion as people subject to quarantine may likely bribe to circumvent it. There are recent reports that people from high-risk countries have been bribing their way into the country.
Also, health officials have been noted in the past for tampering with public health funds as was the case with Ebola money. As expected, companies have started pumping in millions of francs to support the government in its COVID-19 response. The government itself, international organizations and donors are set to put in money in a bid to wipe out the coronavirus. It will not be unusual if the response efforts are hindered by officials ‘pinching’ coronavirus money. Funds could also be embezzled through the organization of useless seminars and workshops, overbilled supplies, non-essential operations and payment to ghost personnel.
In addition, the country’s fragile healthcare system with limited infrastructure, protective gears, medicine, and trained staff may be overburdened should the number of positive cases skyrocket. This could create a situation whereby bribery will prevail as healthcare providers will face a situation of choosing who to treat first.
Lack of Public Trust
The success of the government’s response to the coronavirus largely depends on the collaboration of the population. Dr. Manaouda Malachie, Minister of Public Health, has on countless occasions called for more responsibility and vigilance of the population in the fight against the virus. But many still exhibit carefree attitudes. They booze in bars after the 6 PM restriction, do not observe social distancing, still gather in large numbers and are reticent to talk to health officials.
As Cameroon battles to contain the spread of COVID-19, should citizens continue to mistrust public officials, there are going to be horrendous consequences. Many people won’t be willing to give up certain rights and privileges for the common good. In such a scenario, even the best COVID-19 response crafted by the world’s finest experts will crash.
Inadequate Basic Amenities/Poverty
As recommended by WHO, the government of Cameroon has re-echoed the frequent washing of hands with soap and running water as a measure to prevent the spread of COVID-19. This seems feasible in urban settings. But what about the over 50% of Cameroonians without access to potable water? In major cities across the country, water shortage is recurrent. Generally, a lack of water is the norm in rural and semi-urban settings. So, washing hands often is likely not going to be adopted as a new behavior when the priority is simply having water to drink or cook.
An oil exporter with a bloated bureaucracy, Cameroon’s poverty reduction rate is lagging behind its population growth rate, according to the World Bank. About 8.1 million people, mostly in rural and semi-urban areas live in poverty. This makes the implementation of some of the preventive measures extremely challenging as some people live hand-to-mouth. They can’t afford to stay at home no matter showing signs of high fever, cough and so on. Their main goal is simply survival.
As WHO pointed out, “poor sanitation facilities, the proliferation of informal economy and urban crowding pose additional challenges in the efforts to combat the highly infectious disease.” In Cameroon, these could be compounded by administrative negligence, poor communication strategy, misinformation and disinformation.
All hopes aren’t lost yet. The government can quickly revise its strategies and make hay while the sun shines.
The first ordinary session of the 2020 legislative year opened in the nation’s capital Yaounde on 20 March 2020. Members of the Senate and National Assembly had earlier been convened by heads of the two houses of parliament to the gathering.
The Senators and MPs met at a particularly risky time, ignoring preventive measures against the spread of the novel coronavirus.
On 17 March 2020, following instructions from the Head of State, the Prime Head of Government, Joseph Dion Ngute prohibited the gathering of more than 50 on any occasion across the national territory, with effect from 18 March 2020. The measure, amongst others, was put in place to contain the spread of the virus which has to date been detected in 27 persons in Cameroon, according to the Minister of Public Health.
However, despite public outcry, business went on as usual in both houses of parliament.
Renowned civil society activist and human rights lawyer, Nkongho Felix Agbor, frowned at the move taken by the Speaker of the National Assembly. “While the government is fighting and preventing the COVID-19 pandemic, the Honorable Speaker cannot be seen to be endangering the lives of citizens. The protection of the population is the ultimate goal of each government. The laws of the country must be respected by each and every one. No one is above the law,” he said.
The Cameroon penal code punishes with imprisonment of three months to three years anyone who in his conduct facilitates the spread of a contagious and dangerous disease.
Cavayé Yéguié Djibril, an MP of the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) party, was this week re-elected Speaker of the National Assembly. The 80-year old ailing MP has successively held the position since 1992. He has not manifested any intention of leaving the position in the near future.
Prior to his re-election, Cavayé had just returned from France; a COVID-19 high-risk country, where he was receiving treatment for an undisclosed illness and did not self-isolate for 14 days as advised by health officials.
Under Cavayé, the National Assembly has adopted some of the country’s most controversial bills, including the 2014 anti-terrorism bill which was eventually passed into law and used to stifle freedom of expression and silence the media. As a speaker, he has also been noted for rejecting many development-oriented private member’s bills tabled by opposition MPs.
The main opposition leader in Cameroon, Prof. Maurice Kamto, has said an assassination attempt was made at his life in the afternoon of 13 March 2020 in the city of Garoua. Kamto, who is President of the Cameroon Renaissance Movement (CRM), and some of his party members were en route to Maroua when the said attempted assassination took place.
According to a statement issued by the CRM, Kamto’s bodyguards noticed two men onboard a motorcycle trailing their convoy at close range as a huge crowd turned out to welcome them while on transit in Garoua.
“The motorcycle got closer and closer to President Kamto’s vehicle, near the rear window on the side of the President-elect’s seat. The bodyguard noticed that he [suspect assassin] sent his hand under his T-shirt where the weapon was found and the bodyguard then raised a loud alarm,” the CRM release reads. CRM officials said the motorcycle used by the presumed assassins was overturned by a speed bump. It was then the security detail laid hands on the gendarmerie officer, who was in civilian attire, and disarmed him of his pistol.
The suspect assassin and the confiscated firearm were handed over to security forces at the North governor’s office. It was confirmed by North Region authorities that the gendarme is effectively serving in the jurisdiction. But the government is yet to officially comment on the incident.
Prof. Alain Fogue, a top CRM party official expressed concern over their safety. He called on the government to thoroughly investigate the assassination attempt and make findings public.
Kamto and his key supporters regained freedom in October 2019, after spending nine months in jail. They were standing trial at the Yaounde military tribunal for complicity in destruction, hostility to the state, insurrection and rebellion.
In 2018, Kamto challenged President Paul Biya, who has been in power since 1982, at the polls. But Biya swept 71.28% of the votes to extend his rule to 2025, leaving Kamto at the second position with 14.23% votes. Kamto and the CRM contested the results on grounds that the election was marred by gross irregularities.
CRM, Kamto and supporters then organized several protests across the country against “electoral hold up.” Some of the protests were quelled by security forces using water cannons, teargas and rubber bullets which left protesters with wounds. At least 117 people were arrested and charged for “disrupting public order and perpetrating various assaults.” Kamto and his close allies, including Albert Dzongang, Celestine Djamen, Christian Penda Ekoka, and Paul Eric Kingue, were also arrested.
They were later freed following a presidential pardon seen as a national reconciliation move but which later turned out to be external pressure from France.
Renowned global human rights non-governmental organization, Amnesty International, has mounted fresh pressure on the government of Cameroon, calling on authorities to provide answers to the whereabouts of some 130 men and boys.
Amnesty International says the men and boys remain unaccounted since 27 December 2014 after they were arrested in a crackdown on suspected Boko Haram members.
On 10 March 2020, the rights group launched a new campaign: “Where are they? Accountability for victims of human rights violations in the villages of Magdémé and Doublé in Cameroon’s Far-North.” According to Amnesty International, the advocacy campaign seeks to put pressure on the Biya government to provide answers for the families of those who are missing. The UK-based NGO also wants the security forces who committed human rights abuses during the raid and subsequent enforced disappearances to be punished.
Samira Daoud, Amnesty International West and Central Africa Regional Director, said in the last five years, life has been on hold for the relatives of the men and boys who disappeared. “We want to show them that they have not been forgotten, and that we will continue to pressure the Cameroonian authorities until the truth is uncovered for each one of the 130 men and boy.”
Amnesty International considers that the government’s continuous failure to disclose their whereabouts adds insult to injury to the families who have already waited a long time for news of their loved ones. The right group insists the country must stop using its fight against Boko Haram to justify its blatant violations of human rights.
The missing men and boys were among more than 200 arrested during a cordon-and-search operation in the villages of Magdeme and Doublé in the Far North region. Of those arrested, at least 25 are said to have died in custody on the night of the arrests, with another 45 transferred to Maroua prison the day after, while three later died due to dire conditions in detention. Amnesty International reported back then that Cameroon security forces also unlawfully killed at least nine civilians, including a child, and destroyed more than 70 homes and looted buildings.
To Amnesty International, the 130 people, who were arrested and are still missing, are victims of enforced disappearance; a crime under international law.
Yaounde’s Reaction
The government of 87-year old President Paul Biya, who have been in power since 1982, has yet to officially react to the latest campaign initiated by Amnesty International.
However, in September 2015, Issa Tchiroma Bakary, the then Minister of Communication (who is still in government in a different capacity), noted that, faced with repeated attacks of Boko Haram, administrative authorities and the high military command ordered a series of mass screening operations and cordon-search raids in roads across localities affected by the said attacks. The operations focused along the National Road No. 1 between the towns of Mora and Kousseri, with special emphasis on Mademe and Doublé localities.
Boko Haram scaled up attacked in 2019. But the media and authorities have been focussed on the Anglophone crisis, leaving people in the Far-North feeling abandoned. Credit: Amindeh Blaise Atabong / Ubuntu Times
Back then, Tchiroma said: “These search operations led to the arrest of seventy suspects, who were further transferred to the Maroua Gendarmerie Legion for thorough investigation.
“Fourteen people among the arrested were then led to the cells of the Maroua Territorial Brigade, whereas the others, fifty-six in number, were kept in custody in a place designed especially for that purpose at the Gendarmerie Legion, because all the cells of the Gendarmerie, as well as the Maroua central prison, were already congested.
“On early December 28, 2014, after opening the premises where the suspects were kept the day before at the Gendarmerie Legion, it was noticed that twenty-five suspects were dead.
“A forensic doctor then carried out autopsies on the mortal remains before ordering their burial. According to the forensic reports subsequently issued, the deceased died following, and I quote: ‘a collective chemical intoxication after ingesting unidentified chemical and traditional products, with quick organic cytolysis,’ end of quote. Let me indicate that in the medical field, cytolysis means the dissolution or destruction of cells, which can occur, among other reasons, after drug intoxication.”
Rights Violation
Minister of Defense, Joseph Beti Assomo reviews troops in Kousserie, Far North Region. The soldiers have been fighting Boko Haram militants. Credit: Amindeh Blaise Atabong / Ubuntu Times
The government of Cameroon has often denied accusations of wrongdoing by its armed forces, especially the elite Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR) which is combatting Boko Haram insurgents in the north.
On 9 March 2020, Paul Atanga Nji, Minister of Territorial Administration, accused some NGOs, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, of proving themselves to be enemies of the state of Cameroon by propagating false information on the management of the Anglophone conflict. He claimed the organizations had received FCFA 5 billion from dubious networks within and outside Cameroon to destabilize state institutions.
In 2018, a video emerged of men dressed in Cameroonian military fatigues executing two women and two children. The extra-judicial killing sparked national and global outrage. The government initially categorically denied the involvement of its troops. But later, seven soldiers were arrested in connection to the killings.
Cameroon is rated Not Free in Freedom in the World, Freedom House’s annual study of political rights and civil liberties worldwide.
Cameroon is restricting the movement of thousands of people into and out of the city of Bamenda, the main entry point into the restive North West Region.
Inter-urban transport buses, the principal means of transportation for the region’s people, will henceforth only make their entry or exit from Bamenda twice a day, a prefectural order issued on Monday, March 9, 2020, stipulates.
According to the decision taken by Simon Emile Mooh, a senior divisional officer of Mezam, transport agency buses leaving Bamenda towards Bafoussam shall be expected to assemble at the Customs Junction by 9:00 am and 6:00 pm each day. Meanwhile, public transport vehicles seeking to enter Bamenda will have to assemble at Matazem by 6:00 am and 5:00 pm as a routine. All public transport buses entering or exiting Bamenda will have to do so under heavy security escort. Mooh has promised to severely punish anyone or group of persons who go against the new order.
The civil administrator, who was appointed by President Paul Biya (in power since 1982) in October 2019, noted that the decision was taken following the exigencies of public order.
In recent times in the two English-speaking regions of Cameroon which have seen an uptick in violence, armed men suspected to be separatist fighters have laid ambush on vehicles, including public transport buses and military vehicles. In some instances, the automobiles have been set ablaze.
Restricting movement in the North West and South Regions is an old practice dating back to 2016 when mass protests erupted over the marginalization of the country’s Anglophones by the Francophone-led and dominated government. Since 2017 when the conflict turned violent, Cameroon armed forces and separatists have had the region on lockdown on several occasions.
Many observers of the ongoing conflict fear the recent restriction of movement will worsen issues for the already battered economy. “Military convoys on their own have been attacked before in this region. So, what guarantee is there that they won’t be attacked this time around while escorting civilians,” an economist who opted for anonymity told Ubuntu Times from Bamenda. The source said the new restriction will slow down businesses in the region, which already lost Monday due to a ghost town in place. “Nothing will change than make matters worse for people and businesses. We shall keep counting the losses until everything returns to normal.”
Under the constitution of Cameroon, the government has the responsibility to ensure the free movement of people and protect them from torture, cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment. But in the last three years, things have turned upside-down in the two English-speaking regions.
Over 3,000 people have been killed, according to local rights group, in a drawn-out conflict which government didn’t handle with tact from the onset. No fewer than 679,000 people have been internally displaced, according to UN estimates, while over 60,000 are living under deplorable conditions as refugees in next door Nigeria.
There are no indications the government is considering an end to the conflict soon.
The government of Cameroon is under intense pressure to account for and punish those responsible for the killing of at least 22 people in Ngarbuh – Ntumbaw village. The killings which rights groups have described as a “massacre” were carried out on February 14, 2020, in the North West region; one of two English-speaking regions which has experienced an uptick in violence since 2017.
Fresh fighting between ruthless government troops and indefatigable armed separatists saw the killing of no fewer than 15 children, majority of them below the age of five. Two pregnant women were also killed when houses went on fire, witnesses said.
The UN High Commission for Human Rights has described the killing as “a shocking episode,” calling on the government to carry out investigations and punish perpetrators. “We urge the authorities to ensure that the investigation is independent, impartial and thorough and that those responsible are held fully to account,” Rupert Colville, Spokesperson for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights said.
The UN agency also urged the government to make sure security forces respect international law during the conduct of their operations and refrain from deliberately attacking civilians. António Guterres, UN Secretary-General has expressed concerns over the killings.
Nkongho Felix Agbor, Executive Director of the Center for Human Rights and Development in Africa put the responsibility of the atrocity at the doorsteps of the government. “The military officers responsible for these heinous crimes must be brought to justice. These crimes clearly amount to crimes against humanity,” he underscored. Nkongho expressed discontent over a culture of impunity reigning in the country.
The lawyer of international repute posted on Facebook on February 17, 2020, that the death toll from the massacre in Ngarbuh – Ntumbaw had hit 32, while others remain missing.
Cameroon’s largest opposition party, the Social Democratic Front (SDF) has condemned the mass killing. “In the name of justice that has to be rendered in the name of the Cameroonian people who have an absolute right to the truth, we hereby ask the powers that be to have the miscreants that perpetrated and ordered for these murders to be brought to justice,” Joshua N. Osih, the party’s First National Vice President said in a statement.
According to Akere Muna, an opposition figure who challenged long-serving President Paul Biya in the 2018 elections, suffering, death and killing are now the new normal. “How did we get here where human life no longer has any value?” he wondered, expressing the wish that a pathway to peace is sought before Cameroon loses its soul.
Other prominent political, religious and civil society activists, including Biya’s main challenger, Maurice Kamto, and the Commonwealth Secretary-General Patricia Scotland, have added their voice in condemning the killings. They have all pushed for an inquiry into the atrocity. Some observers hold that should the government be allowed to investigate a crime it is accused of committing, the findings are likely going to be partial.
Painful Death
Locals told reporters that the incident occurred when over two dozen men clad in military fatigues stormed the village early morning and started shooting indiscriminately. Then a fire broke out which killed women and children trapped in some nine houses.
Initially, the government did not make any official statement on the incident. Then, three days after, following an outcry by the national and international community, the government acknowledged the incident had happened, but downplayed it. Joseph Beti Assomo, Minister of Defense said the incident was collateral damage which resulted in the death of four children and one woman.
According to Rene Emmanuel Sadi, Minister of Communication, the fire which killed the woman and children was the outcome of an explosion when six-state security operatives were in a firefight with separatists.
“During the clashes that took place, a fire broke out in a fortified shelter that contained explosives and flammable material stored by the armed rebels. This let to blasts, followed by tongues of fire that eventually spread and reached nearby dwellings,” Sadi claimed at a press conference in the capital Yaounde on February 18, 2020.
It is not the first time Cameroon is denying its army carried out unlawful killings. Some military men are standing trial after a video emerged in 2018 in which they were seen carrying out extra-judicial killing of two women and two children in the north of the country. The government initially denied the accusations, labeling it as “fake news”, before making a U-turn to admit the involvement of its troops.
The latest deadly incident adds to multiple others in the drawn-out socio-political conflict in Cameroon’s English-speaking regions. Local monitors put the tally of the deaths at over 3,000, with more than half a million people internally displaced and over 80,000 living under deplorable conditions as refugees in next-door Nigeria.
The conflict broke out following the real and perceived marginalization of the minority Anglophones by the Francophone-dominated government. Initial peaceful protests started in 2016. But instead of responding to the grievances with tact, the Biya government employed force to quash dissent. The mass protests turned violent in 2017 and have since then been escalating.
The government seems not to be ready for a political solution to end the crisis, opting for a military option year-in, year-out.
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