Ghana Election 2020

Frontrunners Expected To Emulate Their Past Selves As Ghanaians Prepare To Vote In Election

Over 17 million Ghanaians are heading to the polls for an eighth straight democratic election on Monday, December 7.

Once again, the incumbent President Nana Akufo-Addo and former President John Mahama are going head-to-head as overwhelming front-runners in a field of 12 presidential candidates.

This election is unique in the fact that the two main contenders have both been Head-of-State and are looking for their second term.

Mahama lost in the 2016 election in a comprehensive fashion to Akufo-Addo; almost by 1 million votes. He thus became the first incumbent to lose an election in Ghana’s political history.

Concerns over corruption, the management of the economy and an energy sector crisis sunk Mahama’s bid for a second term.

Akufo-Addo rode on his anti-corruption agenda and the promise of the full implementation of a free secondary education policy. He succeeded at the latter but not so much the former.

Akufo-Addo
Nana Akufo-Addo has history on his side as Ghanaians have always given parties two terms. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

In the weeks leading up to the polls, the opposition party has tried to make corruption the main talking point since the resignation of Ghana’s Special Prosecutor because of alleged political interference.

The government has, of course, denied the claims of corruption and it remains unclear if the recent happenings could swing the election in Mahama’s favor.

Akufo-Addo has campaigned mainly on its education initiatives, while Mahama has tried to counter the educational gains by making promises of his own, including making tertiary education free for first years if he wins the polls.

Like past elections in Ghana, there has been a decided lack of substance in the political discourse with slogans and barbs dominating party and media agendas instead of policy.

The Coronavirus and its management, for example, has barely registered beyond the expected safety protocols at the polls.

There has been no presidential debate and the manifestoes presented by the parties have been shallow with many promises but little by way of plans for execution.

The truth is Ghanaians have always voted along ethnic lines with the dominant Akan ethnic group more likely to vote for Akufo-Addo’s New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the other groups more inclined towards Mahama’s National Democratic Congress (NDC).

The fascinating thing is that there is almost a 50-50 split between the Akans (who make up 47.5 percent of the population according to Ghana’s last census) and the other ethnic groups which accounts for the regular changes in power between the two.

No party has governed for more than or less than two consecutive terms.

As the election day nears, the only message that matches up to the campaign cacophony of the NDC and NPP is the call for peace.

Whilst reminders for restraint and peace are consistent across Ghana’s mass media, very few believe there is a threat of significant election-related violence.

Since its return to a multi-party system in 1992, international observers have praised Ghana’s elections, which are perceived as peaceful and the bedrock of one of Africa’s most stable democracies.

Ghana’s landmark 2000 election saw the first-ever transfer of power between two parties in Ghana’s history and this alternation between the NDC and NPP has happened two more times.

As the years go by, fewer Ghanaians are able to relate to the idea of a coup or have lived under military rule. Ghana suffered a series of military interventions in governance from 1966 until 1992.

But since then democracy has been the norm and peaceful elections are now being taken for granted amid a sub-region that has been plagued by significant levels of political instability.

However, the expectation of peaceful polls betrays the intense partisan tensions that precede elections and with the onset of new media, the partisan divide has been deepening further with more aggressive and toxic exchanges that have the tendency to lead supporters astray into eruptions of violence.

Disputes over the electoral roll are now election cycle curtain raisers, as well as accusations of electoral malpractice fired at whichever party is in government.

Voter Register
The electoral roll is never deemed perfect by the opposition party. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

Concerns over voter suppression were rampant during the country’s controversial voter registration exercise after soldiers were deployed to opposition strongholds.

The registration exercise itself was marred by some violent incidents which resulted in death.

Take a step back, however, and while contentious, the electoral process has so far resembled something akin to peaceful.

No matter how heated things get, Ghanaians expect the frontrunners to what they have always done, be magnanimous in defeat and humble victory.

In 2016, when it was clear the election was lost, incumbent President Mahama quickly conceded and begun the peaceful transition process. His supporters followed suit.

Before 2016, Akufo-Addo had contested and lost two elections in photo finishes.

In the 2008 election, between Akufo-Addo and the NDC’s then-candidate John Atta Mills, no candidate received the 50-percent-plus-one of the votes needed to avoid a run-off election.

The run-off was held a few weeks later and the result came down to one constituency where voting was delayed.

There were fears of rigging and claims of electoral fraud which we have seen escalate into sectarian violence in other Africa countries like Kenya and Zimbabwe.

Akufo-Addo eventually lost by less than a percent and conceded despite his misgivings.

It was another close defeat for Akufo-Addo in 2012 after a heavily disputed election. Mahama had taken over from Mills, who died in office, and won with just 50.7 percent of the vote.

Although many international observers called the election free and fair, Akufo-Addo and his cohorts tried to overturn the election result in Ghana’s Supreme Court but the election results were upheld as expected.

Many believe, one of the reasons Akufo-Addo went to the Supreme Court was to calm his supporters who were outraged and ready to go on the rampage because they felt the election had again been stolen from them.

Akufo-Addo played his part in riling up his supporters and was criticized for making incendiary comments like “all die be die” ahead of the 2012 election.

This year Mahama says he will not accept the results of a flawed election and has already deemed the electoral process as such.

But when it is all said and done, we expect the conduct of the candidates to resemble what we have seen in the past. Peace will prevail.

Mahama and Akufo-Addo signed a peace pact on behalf of their respective political parties three days before the polls and were all smiles despite fiery back-and-forths on campaign platforms.

Their supporters will do well to remind themselves that the two parties have never chosen violence.

What Are The Main Concerns Of Ghanaian Voters Ahead Of Elections In December?

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In every election year, concerns are raised as to whether Ghanaians vote along ethnic lines for the two main political parties (the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party) or if they are influenced by development and policy concerns.

Historically, general data points towards the former. The ethnic strongholds of the left-leaning NDC remain the Volta Region and Northern parts of Ghana, which it wins easily during polls. The much denser Ashanti and Eastern regions of Ghana always turn out for the NPP.

Regions like the Greater Accra Region, where I reside, are less homogeneous and are certain to play the role of kingmakers. No president has won power without winning the Greater Accra Region, which has the highest voter population with 3,529,181 out of the total of 17,029,971.

With funding support from USAID/Ghana, the Centre for Democratic Development (CDD-Ghana) conducted a pre-election survey to gauge the most pressing concerns of citizens. I looked to document the reflection of these findings in the Greater Accra Region of Ghana with photographs over the past year.

From the sample size, 51 percent of the electorate noted concerns with infrastructure development. This is normally a facsimile for roads, which are known to be below standard in most residential parts of Accra.

Eroded roads in an Accra suburb
A driver traverses a stretch of road that is heavily eroded. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Eroded roads in an Accra suburb
Some inner roads in Accra have suffered from a lack of maintenance over the past two decades. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Eroded roads in an Accra suburb
The state of roads like this has been known to spawn “no road, no vote” protests in the past. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

The government all but socially engineered citizen expectations by declaring 2020 the “year of roads” in a bid to boost infrastructure in that sector. It has been pointing to high profile projects as evidence of infrastructure successes.

The marquee project in the region is the $94 million Pokuase interchange which the government expects to be the biggest in West Africa. A major win for the government has also been the progress on the 7.5 km LEKMA road which has made commutes easier for many road users.

Work on the Pokuase interchange project
The Pokuase interchange is expected to be the biggest in West Africa when completed. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Work on the Pokuase interchange project
The Pokuase interchange will have four tiers connecting to over 20 km of local roads. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Work progressing on LEKMA road
After almost three decades, the LEKMA is close to completion. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Work progressing on LEKMA road
The government wasted no time patting itself on the back following progress on the LEKMA road. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Flooding in an Accra suburb
Many residents fear the rainy season because of the attendant flooding. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Flooding in an Accra suburb
Poor drainage leads to runoff water overcoming homes and streets of residents. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Flooding in an Accra suburb
Poor drainage ultimately comes back to haunt road infrastructure. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Flooding in an Accra suburb
Uncovered drains end up getting choked with plastic waste which is certain to lead to flooding. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

But what has remained an infrastructure concern for decades remains the poor drainage network in Accra that has led to perennial flooding in urban areas, sometimes at the cost of lives.

But the drainage system is generally in the shadow of calls for better roads.

Workers on a road project
Infrastructure projects mean jobs are being created for residents in their vicinity. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
A trader in Accra
Ghana’s informal economy is the largest source of jobs and they are largely untaxed. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
A trader in Accra
Concerns are raised about how sustainable the jobs most Ghanaians have are. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Men without work
Groups of able-bodied men without work are a common sight in Accra. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Men without work
Ghana’s hailed as one of the fastest-growing economies but Ghanaians want to feel growth in their pockets. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Closed shops
The pandemic disrupted businesses that had to comply with health safety protocols. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Barbershop
A barber looks forlorn having been deprived of a steady stream of customers because of the Coronavirus pandemic. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

There is some overlap with the first concern of infrastructure and the second concern of unemployment (46 percent raised this issue) as road projects mean jobs in project areas.

Credible employment figures are hard to come by and whilst the state makes unverified claims about jobs created, there is no denying that the Coronavirus pandemic crippled many businesses. Before the pandemic, the state claimed it had created 2,204,397 jobs.

It is worth noting that Ghana’s economy is largely informal. The Ghana Statistical Service estimates that 86.1 percent of all employment is found in the informal economy; 90.9 percent of women and 81 percent of men.

Fifth on the list of concerns was the management of the economy (20 percent) which also has a bearing on job creation.

Secondary School kids
Schoolchildren walk into an uncertain future after spending over nine months out of school because of the pandemic. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
An empty school compound
School compounds, once vibrant with pupils are left barren because of the pandemic. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Children play football
Children play football in Accra during what would have been regular school hours. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

The third most prominent issue for Ghanaians ahead of the polls was education (28 percent).

Whilst the Akufo-Addo administration has been praised for ensuring free-secondary education free, again the Coronavirus pandemic has left most children out of school for almost nine months.

This is expected to deepen inequality and entrench the learning crisis.

Coronavirus testing
Concerns have been raised about the perceived deliberate reduction of Coronavirus testing in Ghana. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Bats in Ghana
With the pandemic in mind, researchers have reminded us that fruit bats in Ghana carry strains of Ebola hence the need for preparedness plans. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Blood pressure test
Hypertension, stroke, diabetes, and cancers are among the top 10 causes of death in Ghana. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

In a year defined by a pandemic, it is also no surprise that health is on this list.

Ghana has seen 323 deaths from the Coronavirus pandemic which is relatively low and most of the questions asked have been about the reduced testing by the state and the lack of significant support for the sciences to safeguard against future pandemics.

The pandemic may also have distracted from other pressing issues in the health space.

Water tanker
Many residents of Accra have to buy potable water from tankers on a weekly basis to ensure basic hygiene. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Residents fetch wastewater
Residents in an Accra suburb choose wastewater from a water treatment plant over buying from tankers. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Veronica bucket at a shop
The pandemic has meant almost every place of business has made running water available to the public improving hygiene. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Entrance to an eatery
Eateries have staff on hand to sanitize the hands of all patrons, something that was not done less than a year ago. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times
Social distancing at a polling center
Changes in health attitudes will be evident with social distancing on election day. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

There was no mention of sanitation in the survey probably because such conditions have improved greatly because of the pandemic.

It is worth noting that the bar was incredibly low in Accra the President continues to be mocked for his failed promise to make Accra the cleanest city in Africa.

But the lack of access to good clean water undoubtedly translates to an increased threat for diseases like cholera.

Opinion: Corruption Continues To Fight Back And Ghana’s Special Prosecutor Is Its Latest Scalp

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In an interview with a local radio station back in October, a director at Ghana’s Center for Democratic Development sounded the alarm over the lack of citizen concern on issues of corruption following a pre-election survey.

About a month later Ghana’s first Special Prosecutor, Martin Amidu, resigned citing interference at various levels of governance, even up to the president. In his resignation letter, Amidu said Ghana President Akufo-Addo had mistaken him as his “poodle”.

In a more recent and much more scathing letter, Amidu described President Akufo-Addo as the “mother corruption serpent” and not the “innocent flower of anti-corruption” he once thought.

With less than three weeks to a general election, this resignation is probably the final report card assessing the Akufo-Addo administration’s corruption fight and the state has failed woefully.

Before this resignation, the government was already seen to have bowed to the whims of graft. Akufo-Addo’s tenure has been littered with corruption scandals not followed by requisite prosecution and punishment. Akufo-Addo has been tagged “a clearing agent” by the opposition because of the number of officials implicated in acts of corruption who appeared to receive protection from the state.

Despite this, the Center for Democratic Development’s pre-election survey indicated that only 6 percent of the electorate considered corruption a concern though it has a latent effect it has on other issues like infrastructure and management of the economy which receive much more attention.

In contrast, in the center’s survey ahead of Ghana’s elections in 2016, 62 percent of Ghanaians backed the perception that Ghana was corrupt and 75 percent of the electorate said corruption issues would influence their vote.

This was reflected in Akufo-Addo’s victorious campaign where he defeated the incumbent, John Mahama, handily. As far Akufo-Addo and his cohorts were concerned, corruption flowing through the veins of the Mahama administration. This was not far from the truth.

But four years on, it would appear that Ghanaians sat distracted in the back of the anti-corruption bus as the Akufo-Addo administration fell asleep at the wheel. More cynical observers will tell you that state actors were actively complicit in acts of corruption.

The timing of Amidu’s resignation is its own flaming red flag. He recently completed a corruption risk assessment on a controversial state agreement to leverage Ghana’s mineral royalties for developmental projects.

Among other things, Amidu concluded that this deal, the Agyapa Royalties Limited Transaction, violated multiple laws whilst the appointment of transaction advisors, which included a firm with ties to the Finance Minister, also flouted the law and did not meet the “fundamentals of probity, transparency, and accountability.”

Amidu claims the President directed him to hold off acting on this assessment. This was the last straw for him.

“We disagree on the non-partisan independence of the special prosecutor in the performance of functions of my office in preventing and fighting corruption and corruption-related offenses,” he said in his resignation letter.

The presidency denied the interference claim but confirmed that the President indeed met the Special Prosecutor earlier in November to discuss the deal which meant a line had been crossed.

If Akufo-Addo really respected the idea of independence, there would be absolutely no reason why he would be meeting with the Special Prosecutor in private, much less in such sensitive times.

Accompanying Amidu’s resignation were concerns about how well-resourced his office was. He and his deputy had not been paid any emoluments since 2008 and this was only rectified (by a presidential directive) after his resignation.

There is also the adjacent chatter over Amidu’s office space, or lack thereof, and utilization of budget allocations for recruitment among others. He has been operating out of what is generally a three-bedroom apartment and has been unable to hire more staff to ensure the efficient running of his office.

Amidu’s office had been offered a bigger building by the state but he deemed it unfit for human occupation.

As of September 2019, he had only three senior staff and nine junior staff. It is thus no surprise that, of the GHS 65.69 million transferred to Amidu’s office, only a little of over GHS 5.22 million had been utilized, according to the Presidency.

Some consider the under-utilization a slight on Amidu and more critical persons accuse him, incorrectly, of loafing about on the job. Amidu complained about his working conditions multiple times, including alleged interference from state actors, but he was told he whined too much and did little work.

That said, had Amidu not complained and created a ton of receipts from himself, he would be perceived in a much worse light now. “Why didn’t he speak up,” his critics would have asked.

Given his apparently dire treatment by the state, one legitimate question can be asked: Why didn’t he resign earlier?

Amidu tries to answer this in his resignation letter pointing to his commitment to fighting corruption over the years; even in his capacity as a private citizen. In his words, he was never an anti-corruption entrepreneur but a “non-partisan anti-corruption crusader.”

His track record of integrity was the reason his announcement as Special Prosecutor in January 2018 was met with much joy in the earlier days of the Akufo-Addo administration. How innocent we were.

Ghanaians had voted for change and the setting up of the Special Prosecutor’s Office was to be the beginning of the end of corruption’s stranglehold on Ghanaian governance.

But as it turns out, we were just characters in the fable about the scorpion and the frog. Corruption stung again and it hurt.

If I fault Amidu for anything, it staying too long in the job because it was clear quite early on that the state was not prepared to lay the foundations for an independent vanguard in the corruption fight.

Indeed, Amidu was appointed by the President, like the heads of other anti-graft offices before his that lacked bite so were we really expecting one plus one to equal three this time around?

Despite the constraints, Amidu pursued cases against multiple government officials, past and present but the Agyapa deal and the purported hurdle the President put his way is one he refused to jump. That Akufo-Addo may have stood in his way was probably a shock to him.

When Barack Obama visited Ghana three presidents ago, he stressed the need for strong institutions. Ghana is yet to take his advice. It is because of strong institutions that the United States of America did not collapse completely under the galactic weight of presidential incompetence.

Ghana tends to prioritize building personalities and not institutions but history has shown us that personalities are no match for the partisan state capture that permeates all arms of governance.

Lest we forget, Ghana’s Auditor-General Daniel Domelevo, another man perceived to be on the vanguard of the anti-corruption fight, was forced on an over-150 day leave in what amounts to a sacking. This was after he challenged with key state actors in another controversial deal.

No matter what faults one lays at the feet of the likes of Amidu and Domelevo it is ultimately a question of who the Ghanaian people should be giving the benefit of the doubt.

The Akufo-Addo administration should have been breaking its back to make sure the first Special Prosecutor’s tenure was successful, leaving absolutely no room for fault.

In my book, the buck always stops with the President because of the amount of power vested in the Executive by our constitution.

It is not that Amidu’s success would have meant a net-positive for the Akufo-Addo administration in the corruption fight. Rather it would have offered some hope that an institution could adequately fight corruption.

But Amidu’s resignation means there is still no light at the end of the tunnel.

The Budding Movement Urging A Voter Boycott Of Ghana’s General Election

It is a scorching Thursday morning around one of the biggest malls in Ghana’s capital city. Two members of the Economic Fighters League (EFL) stand on a sidewalk with placards glistening in the sun. Three weeks to the country’s general election their message to Ghanaians is simple – do not waste your time voting.

It is a message the riles up a soldier passing by. He confronts them with a tone that would have some think the protestors were calling for an armed insurrection. Their message is much too incendiary this close to an election, he feels.

The placards the youth wield simply ask if Ghanaians have been getting the development they vote for. The soldier thinks these young men, one of whom was born in 1998, are taking Ghana’s 28 years of a stable democracy for granted. Go around Africa, people envy our peace and stability, he says.

There have been instances of soldiers taking the law into their hands and acting with impunity. For a second, it looked like the confrontation could escalate. He had already fired a warning my way, wary of my recorder and camera.

One of the men pushing the no vote campaign, Arimiyaw Wusama, stresses that the group he belongs does not stand for violence and insists on his right to protest. Some onlookers also jump to Aremeyaw’s side and back his sentiment. In warm Ghanaian fashion, smiles eventually win the moment.

A number of passers-by had already said they had no plans of voting and happily posed for photos with the placards. They had no qualms with the message.

Campaign for voter boycott
An onlooker stands up to a soldier who was unhappy with the call for a voter strike. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

The EFL is aware of the existence of such persons. The past year has been awash with reports from communities that have threatened to boycott the polls of developmental concerns. “No road, no vote” is one of the more popular refrains amid cries for better infrastructure. Some communities even threaten to chase away campaigning politicians.

There will be 12 candidates on the presidential ballot in Ghana’s December 7 election. The first two names on the ballot are the incumbent Nana Akufo-Addo of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and former President John Mahama of the National Democratic Congress (NDC).

These two are more than likely to come first and second on the results sheet when it is all said and done. The only real drama will be in what order. 

The NDC and NPP have had a stranglehold on the political sphere since Ghana returned to civilian rule in 1993 and the 10 other parties will once again be merely along for the ride.

For people like 22-year-old Abdul Salam, Aremeyaw’s fellow “Fighter”, the NDC and the NPP are two sides of the same coin; defined by cronyism, corruption, and seeming contempt for the people they govern.

After seven peaceful elections, Ghana is seen to have passed the test of a stable democracy. But the bar should be much higher than simple transitions of power, the EFL argues. And the NDC and NPP have proven unwilling to meet the high standards it and other Ghanaians have set.

Abdul Salam, full of energy and brimming with conviction, declares that only people like him, willing to boycott the polls, are really challenging the status quo and choosing change.

“People say if you don’t vote you can’t complain but it is the opposite. If you vote, don’t complain.” “You are the same persons putting them in those position of power so whatever they are doing, you have endorsed it.”

A clear conscience is important to Abdul Salam. He’ll sleep better when complaints about corruption and injustice color the next four years of governance.

Campaign for voter boycott
Abdul Salam stands up in his opposition to the NDC and NPP. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

The magic number the EFL has been eyeing is 4.8 million; the 30.6 percent of registered voters who stayed home on election day in 2016. Turn out dropped from 79 percent in the 2012 election. This has generally been attributed to voter apathy. However, no rigorous study has offered a compelling explanation.

A recent Centre for Democratic Development (CDD-Ghana) pre-2020 election survey indicated that 6 percent of Ghanaians do not plan to vote, with a further 4 percent remaining undecided.

The EFL’s Commander-in-Chief, Ernesto Yeboah, would have you believe a significant portion of the 30.6 percent from 2016 are sick and tired of what he called the false consensus of the NDC and NPP’s dominance permeates all arms of government.

He hopes the active campaign being waged by the EFL will influence the perception of dwindling turnout numbers.

“They [the NDC and NPP] don’t constitute the majority that we are deceived into placing so much significance on,” says Ernesto, who did not disappoint in his meeting with me; donning his signature red beret that has drawn comparisons to Julius Malema of the Economic Freedom Fighters.

Ghana’s politicians are said to exist just to win elections thus a voter boycott is what will hit the political establishment the hardest, he contends. “Ballot boxes can get to the remotest villages in our country but yet development cannot get there.”

Before founding the EFL in 2016, Ernesto used to be part of the mainstream political architecture. He led the youth wing of the Convention People’s Party (CPP); a shell of the party Kwame Nkrumah led on en route to Ghana’s independence.

Before leaving the CPP, he had pushed for then-President John Mahama to be investigated for accepting a gift from a Burkinabé contractor who was later handed state projects to oversee. He was later suspended by the CPP for his criticism of Mr. Mahama.

The leader of the Economic Fighters League
Ernesto Yeboah has been one of the centerpieces of the simmering protest culture in Ghana. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

That feels like a lifetime ago and Ernesto’s heart is now with his political movement borne out of the fraught social structure that marginalizes women and the youth. These two demographics constitute the bulk of Ghana’s population.

Over 50 percent of Ghana’s 30.9 million population are women but they do not make up even a third of Ghana’s legislature – 37 out of 275. Also, an overwhelming 24.5 million Ghanaians are under the age of 40.

But that they are on the fringes of Ghana’s governance is one of their main reasons that there is a cause for pause, and in the EFL’s case, an election boycott.

“Where the vast majority of the people are not involved in decision making, you cannot call that a democracy and that is what we have our hands.”

“We realized very early on that not many of the issues that confront the people are actually on the front burner with regards to the way our political parties function and how the media also functions,” explains Ernesto.

Alongside the boycott, the Fighters have other demands: mainly a constitution that ensures a new electoral system of proportional representation to break the duopoly of the NDC and NPP.

The EFL believes voters deserve representation and that all political groups in society deserve to be represented in our legislatures in proportion to their strength in the electorate.

Even people not aware of the EFL’s vote boycott had purposed in their hearts not to vote. Law student Melody Vanderpuye-Orgle fits the mold of the Fighters’ main concerns; a woman and a youth.

She no longer wants to suffer the current political class which many feel have given up on any form of morality.

“Voting is a means of communicating who you would like to lead you,” she says, but sees no viable options in the final stretch of the campaign season. 

“I don’t want to partake in whatever this is when I know very well no political party is capable of leading this country to where it is supposed to be.”

Melody gives an indication of one of the Fighters’ problems i.e. giving their message a wider reach. The EFL mostly comes to the Ghanaian media’s attention when there is significant friction with the state, with a focus on the state’s penal response.

In 2019, Ernesto was among a group of protestors whisked away in handcuffs when they disrupted Parliament’s proceedings in opposition to plans for the construction of a new chamber for legislators. That got the media sniffing at his heels.

As we speak, Ernesto is facing jail time for organizing a Black Lives Matter vigil-cum protest against police brutality in July. He was again dragged from this protest in handcuffs. Ironically, police opened fire on EFL members and sympathizers who had marched to the police station holding Ernesto to demand his release.

The Fighters pull inspiration from the final act of British occupation of Ghana when independence was on the horizon. Ghana used to have a thriving non-partisan protest culture but was “frightened into silence” because of a history of violence that met dissent under military rule.

Ernesto recalls Nii Kwabena Bonne, who in 1947 formed the Anti-Inflation Campaign Committee in Accra to challenge the inflated retail prices on imported goods by Europeans.

“They had their money and they held it. That was their power,” Ernesto reminds.

On social media, it is commonplace to see people disagree with the stance of the Fighters and others who choose not to vote.

A research fellow with the Institute of Democratic Governance, Ewald Garr agreed with the grievances of the EFL but describes the call for a boycott as “non-starter”.

“If you want change, you must vote for the change you want,” Garr says to Ubuntu Times in a phone interview. Surely one of the 10 alternatives to the NPP and the NDC offers some respite, he remarks, though the EFL begs to differ.

A voting area in Ghana
Critics of the Fighters argue that Ghanaians must vote for the change they want. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

Their stance may not even matter because of their limited reach. Garr does not think the EFL has the gravitas to effectively mobilize and seemingly capitalize on the low turnout from the 2016 election.

“We already have the problem of voter apathy. It will not be them [the EFL] causing it,” he says.

Garr even throws a challenge to the EFL; telling them to throw their hat in the political ring. “Instead of running away from that responsibility and blaming others, they should rather come to the table and play ball.”

Ernesto is not deaf to calls to join active politics but he is not above admitting this uncharted territory for him and his fellow Fighters. They are playing the long game; building from the grassroots and waiting patiently for Ghanaians on the fence to see reason and jump on EFL wagon.

“We don’t have any experience in mobilizing and organizing a revolution but as young as we are, we are ready to learn and ready to make our own mistakes and we aren’t doing very badly at all.”

The accusations that a voter strike is unpatriotic seem to cut at Ernesto. I can’t tell how deep. Wary of the criticism, he does not want the Fighters’ call for voter strike to betray their devotion to Ghana.

“When workers go on strike, does it mean they are lazy? Does it mean they love their job less?” he retorts.

“We are holding our power in order to protect the future we love so much.” 

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Heads of State for Burkina Faso, Captain Ibrahim Traoré (left) and Colonel Assimi Goïta of Mali (right).

Africa’s Coup Governments: When Elections Become An Exhausted Idea Confirming Democratic Fatigue

10 months ago
The trending successful military coups in West Africa today indicate the continuation of political processes and leadership by another method. Their executions have been...
The Labour Party logo and Peter Obi

Labour Party And The Future Of Radical Politics In Nigeria

10 months ago
Needless to say, the 2023 elections happened amid overwhelming disillusionment with the system and popular discontent with the major establishment political parties—the ruling All...
Good road networks key in trade facilitation

Political Instability, Intra-state Conflicts, And Threats To AfCFTA Agreement’s ‘Made In Africa’ Aspirations

11 months ago
The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is arguably the African Union’s (AU) biggest project since the launch of the continent’s Agenda 2063 in...
Picture of journalists and victims of forced evictions in Mosafejo-Oworonshoki

How The Lagos State Government Demolished Houses Of Low-Income Earners In Mosafejo-Oworonshoki, Forced Over...

11 months ago
In a sudden turn of events, piles of wreckage became the only remnants of what used to be homes to over 7,000 people, women,...
African leaders pose for a photo in St. Petersburg, Russia.

Russia-Africa Relations: Africa’s Entanglement With Politics Of Patronage Without Liberation

1 year ago
There are intense political and intellectual debates unfolding in Africa. Since February 24 last year, when war broke out in Europe following Russia’s special...
Protestors at a mine at the settlement of Uis in Namibia's Erongo region

Namibia Lithium Battle

1 year ago
On June 27, 2023, a judge of the High Court of Namibia, Ramon Maasdorp, ruled that the Southern African country’s Minister of Mines and...
Operation Dudula supporters marched in the Johannesburg Central Business District.

Operation Dudula

1 year ago
There is no direct translation for the word Dudula in the English language, but the president of the organization that started off as a...
Lunch hour in Windhoek's Central Business District (CBD) with residents walking through Post Street Mall, Windhoek's main business center..

The Tragedy Of Namibia’s Working Poor

1 year ago
At the dawn of independence in 1990, a public servant working in an entry-level position for the state could afford to buy themselves a...
The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) celebrate 10 years at the FNB stadium in Johannesburg.

Economic Freedom In Our Lifetime

1 year ago
A packed FNB stadium with over one hundred thousand supporters demonstrated the mass appeal of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) amongst South African voters...
Monica Geingos, First Lady of the Republic of Namibia and President of the Organization of African First Ladies for Development.

Organization Of African First Ladies For Development

1 year ago
The Organization of African First Ladies for Development (OAFLAD) launched the #WeAreEqual Campaign on Wednesday, August 23, 2023, at a banquet ceremony held in...
Dumisani Baleni EFF South Africa Communications officer for Gauteng Province, South Africa.

EFF Confronts Racism In South African Schools

1 year ago
An incident involving a thirteen-year-old girl child at the Crowthorne Christian Academy in South Africa led to the schools' closure and the re-sparking of...
African leaders discussed the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) at the 36th African Union (AU) Summit held on 18th February 2023 at the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Africa’s Rebirth At 60: Carrying Noble Ideas That Nobody Is Willing To Implement

1 year ago
To most academics, intellectuals, and pragmatists advocating for a genuine Pan-African renaissance six decades after the founding of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU,...
Photo Of newly inaugurated President, Bola Tinubu, and immediate past President, Muhammad Buhari.

Tinubu’s Inauguration: End Of An Error, The Dawn Of Calamity

1 year ago
"I am confident that I am leaving office with Nigeria better in 2023 than in 2015." President Buhari ended his farewell speech with this...
Zimbabwe’s President posing for a photo with his guests.

IMF And World Bank: The ‘Bad Samaritans’ And Neoliberals Cheating Africa Into A Cycle...

1 year ago
The Western liberal consensus has long been intervening and interfering in Africa. The first form of intervention was through the slave trade from the...