Poverty

Poverty ravages Southern Africa’s aging population

LILONGWE, Malawi — At the age of 94, Malawi’s widower Kenneth Banda resides alone at his aging rural home — a thatched kitchen hut and a two-roomed house roofed with cracked aging asbestos sheets, his home located in Mzimba, Malawi’s remote district north of the country.

In Mangochi rural district, south of Malawi, also lives 83-year old Maria Tembwa, with her six great-grandchildren at a home consisting of two thatched huts — one a bedroom and the other a kitchen.

According to Tembwa, all her 11 children died — some succumbing to AIDS while some of her grandchildren later left for the cities and to neighboring countries in search of greener pastures, leaving her with their children to look after — her great-grandchildren.

But, equally poor as Banda, Tembwa has no money to take care of the young children left under her guardianship.

Malawi’s aged persons like Banda and Tembwa have no access to government social grants.

Yet, laden with a population of about 19 million people, the government of Malawi estimates that 52.4 percent of its population lives below the poverty line of 1 USD per day.

Eight percent of Malawi’s population comprise of the aged persons whose ages range from 60 years and above, according to Help Age International, a global network of NGOs working to promote the rights of older people.

Elderly man.
93-year old Bernard Shumba, a resident of Mabvuku high-density suburb in Harare, the country’s capital, has found poverty to be part of his life, adjusting to the challenge which has apparently hit many old persons in Southern Africa. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

In Zimbabwe, the likes of 93-year old Bernard Shumba, a resident of Mabvuku high-density suburb in Harare, the country’s capital, have found poverty part of them.

“I have accepted my fate, that I’m poor and there is no one from government who stands up to support people like myself, people who are very old,” Shumba told Ubuntu Times.

In Zimbabwe, the elderly like Shumba account for about six percent of the country’s estimated population of 16 million, according to Help Age Zimbabwe, a leading organization catering to the needs of senior citizens.

As such, in Zimbabwe, there are an estimated 760,000 older persons.

Together with his 85-year old wife, Tendai, Shumba depends on handouts from good Samaritans, this as the aged couple lives with six of their orphaned jobless great-grandchildren.

Although Shumba worked as a policeman before his country gained independence in 1980, his pension earnings have over the years been eroded by Zimbabwe’s inflation, which hovers around 300 percent, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) last year.

With Southern African countries like Zimbabwe faced with fledgling economies, aged persons like Shumba and his wife have become the victims.

Their great-grandchildren have had to drop out of school because their aged breadwinners can’t cope with the country’s spiraling rate of inflation.

In fact, Zimbabwe’s aged persons have fast become charity cases in the face of the country’s comatose economy and therefore well-wishers have turned into saviors for geriatrics like Shumba and his wife.

Aged Man.
An unidentified older man doing his own laundry in some high-density area in the Zimbabwean capital, Harare at a time Southern Africa faces a situation of poverty for its older persons. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

Nevertheless, Shumba and his wife have sunken deeper and deeper into poverty, with Shumba having failed to land even a single formal job since four decades ago, save for the informal jobs he obtained every now and then on contractual basis at various private security companies until he called quit three decades ago.

Nonetheless, only nostalgia places a smile on his face.

“We had a good life with my wife when I worked for various security companies, but I have obtained nothing in terms of pension benefits from the companies. It’s worse now because our government hardly supports aged persons,” Shumba said.

Jonathan Mandaza, chairperson of the Zimbabwe Older Persons Organization said ‘abuse of the elderly in Zimbabwe is rampant, adding it includes neglect by the government, which deepens their poverty.’

Meanwhile, in South Africa, the maximum amount paid to aged persons is R1,780 per month, an equivalent of 100 USD monthly per head monthly. If one is older than 75 years, he or she gets R1,800, just a few cents above 100 USD.

But, even this cannot suffice, according to Help Age International, an organization supporting the cause of aged persons.

“Older persons receiving the old age grant in South Africa actually become breadwinners and that has its own challenges,” said an official from Help Age International in South Africa, on condition of anonymity as she was unauthorized to speak to the media.

In Malawi, home to aged persons like Banda and Tembwa, the poverty struggle continues for the aged population.

Xiluva Tambwe, a member of the Malawi Network for Older Persons Organisations (MANEPO) said ‘the elderly have been going through increased socio-economic hardships.’

“One has to know that as in many African cultures, the elderly in Malawi used to depend on the economic and social support of their children and the community, which is rarely the case these days as economic hardships pound everyone,” Tambwe told Ubuntu Times.

Malawi’s human rights activists like John Kasangula have said ‘old-age poverty in Malawi stems from its intergenerational transmission.’

Elderly woman.
Like the unidentified older woman shown in the photo in Zimbabwe, many Southern African aged persons are having to go about their day-to-day errands and chores without help, having to bear their burdens single-handedly. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

According to the Commonwealth Association for the Ageing, many Malawians spend their later years marginalized from family and community life and as such, growing old in that country comes with new challenges, of which poverty is one of them.

Yet, poverty hammers Southern Africa’s aged populations even as social protection is a basic human right, according to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

In Swaziland, with a population of about 1.3 million people, just three years ago there were reports that over 80 percent of women in the dynastic nation between the ages of 60 and above as well as 70 percent men, were living in poverty amid reports government had run out of money to pay out old age social grants.

Meanwhile, even as poverty roasts Swaziland’s elderly persons and the other chunk of the country’s population, King Mswati there has 13 palaces and lives a lavish lifestyle, having a fleet of top-of-the-range cars, these added to a private jet.

In Angola, one of Africa’s most resource-rich countries representing sub-Saharan Africa’s second-largest oil producer and the world’s fourth-largest producer of diamonds, poverty reigns supreme for the aged there amid reports poverty there is lower only among the 15-35 age group than any other group.

Angola’s population is estimated to range between 16 and 18 million people.

In Zambia, just north of Zimbabwe, two years ago, the country’s Ministry of Community Development and Social Services principal community development officer Stephen Chiwele, went on record in the media saying ‘the current pension schemes in Zambia are contributory in nature, meaning most of the people in the informal sector are without pension cover and many of these are older persons.’

As such, due to loss of work and income in old age, households with old people are among the poorest in Zambia, a country with about 17 million people.

Zimbabwe struggles with rural, urban poverty

GOKWE, Zimbabwe — A one-room home structure made of poles plastered with mud, roofed with a single zinc sheet, with a gaping wooden door stands side by side with a thatched kitchen hut, also made of poles plastered with mud.

46-year old Denford Chagwiza calls this home, where he lives with his family, the children each evening converting the kitchen hut into a bedroom.

This is in Gokwe, in Zimbabwe’s Midlands Province.

In Harare, 25 kilometers east of the Zimbabwean capital, lies Epworth, an urban settlement where 42-year old Hebert Nhari’s two-roomed cabin home, made from planks, is located.

Rural home.
An aging thatched kitchen hut side by side with an equally aging house plastered with cement in a village called Sidakeni in rural Gokwe in Zimbabwe’s Midlands Province. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

Here, Nhari dwells with his wife and five children.

Chagwiza and Nhari epitomize Zimbabwe’s grinding rural and urban poverty.

“This has been my life over the years and we have become used to it. Food is our daily struggle because crop yields are always poor, owing to droughts,” Chagwiza told Ubuntu Times.

Although Zimbabwe’s cities have been in the past not known to be infested with poverty, many like Nhari have not been spared by the poverty scourge in the country’s urban areas — the same headache for Gokwe’s Chagwiza.

Slum settlement.
Amid grinding poverty in Zimbabwe’s towns and cities, slums have become a common trend in Epworth, an urban informal settlement, 25 km east of the Zimbabwean capital Harare. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

“I live in this cabin with my family and even if it rains we have nowhere to run to because this is our home; I have no job and together with my wife and children at times we get casual jobs to support ourselves,” Nhari told Ubuntu Times.

Even as he is domiciled in the country’s capital city, like Chagwiza’s, Nhari’s children are all school dropouts and they have to spend much of their time idly roaming around their homes’ vicinities.

So, in essence, with poverty-stricken citizens like Nhari and Chagwiza, independent development experts like Jimson Gandari say ‘Zimbabwe now teams with rural and urban poverty.’

Hut.
A rural home made up of a single thatched hut built using wood in Makoni, a remote district in Zimbabwe’s Mashonaland Central Province. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

According to the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), more than 90 percent of this country’s approximately 16 million people are unemployed.

Formed in 1981 through the merger of six trade union centers, ZCTU is the primary trade union federation in this Southern African nation.

For civil society activists like Catherine Mkwapati, ‘unlike in the previous years, poverty in Zimbabwe’s rural and urban areas have become common.’

Remote village.
A rather squashed village with a mixture of thatched huts fenced with grass and other home structures poorly roofed with zinc sheets, in Makoni, a district in Zimbabwe’s Mashonaland Central Province. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

“You can’t tell the difference now; on one hand when you come to Zimbabwe’s town, you are met with slums, even thatched slums and on the other hand when you go to the countryside, you meet similar structures — signs of poverty,” Mkwapati told Ubuntu Times.

Mkwapati is the director for the Youth Dialogue Action Network, a Zimbabwean civil society organization.

According to the Poverty Reduction Forum Trust (PRFT), emerging trends show that poverty in both rural and urban areas here is shooting up.

Urban poverty has turned to be an emerging reality in Zimbabwe in recent years, but also remains more widespread in the rural areas, with rural and urban household poverty statistics approximately standing at 76 percent and 38 percent respectively,” Judith Kaulem, director at PRFT, told Ubuntu Times.

Thatched home.
A single thatched hut home built from stones and rocks plastered with mud, standing opposite bundles of spare grass to re-thatch the home, in Makoni district in Zimbabwe’s Mashonaland Central Province. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

Founded in 2008 and inspired by the vision of a Zimbabwe Free from Poverty in which every human being lives a dignified, secure and decent life that conduce sustainable human development, PRFT is a civil society organization which seeks to influence the formulation of ‘pro-poor’ policies by conducting research on poverty-related issues and engaging with policymakers.

For Zimbabwe’s rural dwellers like Chagwiza, according to PRFT’s Kaulem, ‘lack of food security and lack of sustained income opportunities in the face of climate change remain key livelihood challenges being faced by the rural poor.’

But, with joblessness haunting urban dwellers like Nhari, Kaulem also said poverty was now an equal menace to Zimbabwe’s rural and urban dwellers.

However, said Kaulem, ‘as statistics show even now, it’s the rural dwellers still suffering most at the hands of poverty.’

To her (Kaulem), ‘poor access to basic services such as food, health, transport, water and sanitation greatly affects the lives of women and children in rural areas.’

“With above 70 percent of Zimbabweans living in rural areas and heavily dependent on agriculture, it remains very important to invest in evidence-based approach to improve rural livelihoods and access social services by all layers of the society,” Kaulem told Ubuntu Times.

In Zimbabwe, inflation hovers above 300 percent, based on statistics from the International Monetary Fund last year.

Makeshift homes.
In the Zimbabwean capital Harare’s Mabvuku-Tafara high-density suburb, makeshift homes have become common as urban dwellers battle to contain mounting poverty, with some even pitching tents as homes. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

This, many rural and urban dwellers like Chagwiza and Nhari, have had to contend with, but in vain, and so according to civil society activists like Owen Dhliwayo, ‘poverty lampoons the poor in Zimbabwe from left, right and center whether in cities or villages.’

He (Dhliwayo) is a program officer for the Youth Dialogue Action Network.

Now, as Zimbabwe’s economy teeters on the brink of collapse amid growing urban and rural poverty, civil society activists like Dhliwayo have warned that ‘soon there would be no sanctuary for the country’s rural or urban dwellers.’

Nutritionists like Melody Charakupa working for a top non-governmental organization in Harare said ‘whether in rural or urban areas, challenges like malnutrition have become Zimbabwe’s new foes to contend with.’

In fact, by last year, the UN agency had already piloted a food assistance program in many Zimbabwean poor urban spots like Epworth, home to many like Nhari, one of Harare’s poorest high-density settlements, feeding over 20,000 residents.

As things stand, according to official numbers from the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency’s Poverty Income, Consumption and Expenditure Survey, an estimated 76 percent of Zimbabwe’s rural households are poor, while 23 percent are deemed extremely poor.

Yet, in reality, rural households have been the worst affected by poverty in comparison to urban households — pegged at 76 percent rural and 38 percent urban households.

Village house.
A derelict isolated house in the village with peeling off cement-plastered walls in Gokwe in Zimbabwe’s Midlands Province. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

The current Zimbabwe Vulnerability Assessment Committee Report has said the number of food-insecure people here last year was projected at 28 percent; apparently, 2.4 million people who were unable to meet their food needs as to the completion of the consumption year last year.

Consequently, the Zimbabwean government last year went on record in the media claiming
that 7.5 million people or half the population would be food-insecure, whether in rural or urban areas.

Yet, the food question is not the only hurdle facing Zimbabweans — accommodation is another headache either in rural or urban areas.

An estimated one in four of Zimbabwe’s urban population, or about 1.25 million people, live in slums, according to the 2014 United Nations data, with the World Bank estimating that Zimbabwe’s urban population, currently numbering about 5 million people, is increasing by two percent annually.

In fact, for many Zimbabwean rural and urban dwellers like Chagwiza and Nhari, living conditions are horrendous, with many of the dwellings built entirely of grass.

According to the UN, a combination of drought and economic demise by last year left 7.7 million Zimbabweans like Chagwiza and Nhari — approximately half the population — hunger-stricken.

 

Cameroon’s COVID-19 response could be undermined by a panoply of factors

The coronavirus (COVID-19) is now a reality in Cameroon as the number of confirmed cases has jumped to 56, up from the initial two on March 6, 2020. The novel coronavirus, which was detected late last year in the Chinese city of Wuhan, continues to unleash itself across the globe, already affecting over three-quarter of the world. As of March 23, 2020, over 360,000 cases had been registered worldwide, with 15,491 deaths, according to curated data.

Back in January, even before the World Health Organisation (WHO) declared the coronavirus a public health emergency of international concern, it had made known the possible danger of COVID-19 spreading to countries with weaker health systems like Cameroon. WHO called on countries to be proactive to contain the spread of the virus, as it was still at a stage where containment was possible. So, it may be safe to say the virus did not take Cameroon by surprise.

In response to the global health crisis, the government of Cameroon on March 17, 2020 adopted a 13-point measure to limit the spread of the coronavirus across the country. These include border closure, suspension of sporting events, shutdown of schools, the restriction of gathering of persons, amongst others. The government ought to have gotten a pat on the back. But considering the astronomical rise in the number of cases between the time the prevention plan was rolled out and now, it is clear the measures aren’t rigorous enough. Besides its glaring limitations, the strategy could further be undermined by a multiplicity of factors, most notably corruption.

Endemic Corruption

Transparency international says Cameroon is “greatly affected by corruption,” which is “so rampant,” citing specifically bribery and extortion. Cameroon has topped TI’s Corruption Perception Index twice as the most corrupt country in the world. And the country has continued to rank low. There is no doubt the coronavirus will meet the all-pervasive corruption in the country.

Experience has shown that crises, which often involve response money, breed corruption, particularly when officials are self-seeking opportunists. This could potentially increase the pace and danger of contagion as people subject to quarantine may likely bribe to circumvent it. There are recent reports that people from high-risk countries have been bribing their way into the country.

Also, health officials have been noted in the past for tampering with public health funds as was the case with Ebola money. As expected, companies have started pumping in millions of francs to support the government in its COVID-19 response. The government itself, international organizations and donors are set to put in money in a bid to wipe out the coronavirus. It will not be unusual if the response efforts are hindered by officials ‘pinching’ coronavirus money. Funds could also be embezzled through the organization of useless seminars and workshops, overbilled supplies, non-essential operations and payment to ghost personnel.

In addition, the country’s fragile healthcare system with limited infrastructure, protective gears, medicine, and trained staff may be overburdened should the number of positive cases skyrocket. This could create a situation whereby bribery will prevail as healthcare providers will face a situation of choosing who to treat first.

Lack of Public Trust

The success of the government’s response to the coronavirus largely depends on the collaboration of the population. Dr. Manaouda Malachie, Minister of Public Health, has on countless occasions called for more responsibility and vigilance of the population in the fight against the virus. But many still exhibit carefree attitudes. They booze in bars after the 6 PM restriction, do not observe social distancing, still gather in large numbers and are reticent to talk to health officials.

This is what happens when people do not trust the public officials calling on them to make sacrifices. How will they even trust them when a top member of government like Cavayé Yéguié Djibril (Speaker of National Assembly) does not give a damn to official advice to self-isolate upon returning from a high-risk country? When public officials gather in hundreds, yet ask others not to take part in gatherings of up to 50 persons?

As Cameroon battles to contain the spread of COVID-19, should citizens continue to mistrust public officials, there are going to be horrendous consequences. Many people won’t be willing to give up certain rights and privileges for the common good. In such a scenario, even the best COVID-19 response crafted by the world’s finest experts will crash.

Inadequate Basic Amenities/Poverty

As recommended by WHO, the government of Cameroon has re-echoed the frequent washing of hands with soap and running water as a measure to prevent the spread of COVID-19. This seems feasible in urban settings. But what about the over 50% of Cameroonians without access to potable water? In major cities across the country, water shortage is recurrent. Generally, a lack of water is the norm in rural and semi-urban settings. So, washing hands often is likely not going to be adopted as a new behavior when the priority is simply having water to drink or cook.

An oil exporter with a bloated bureaucracy, Cameroon’s poverty reduction rate is lagging behind its population growth rate, according to the World Bank. About 8.1 million people, mostly in rural and semi-urban areas live in poverty. This makes the implementation of some of the preventive measures extremely challenging as some people live hand-to-mouth. They can’t afford to stay at home no matter showing signs of high fever, cough and so on. Their main goal is simply survival.

As WHO pointed out, “poor sanitation facilities, the proliferation of informal economy and urban crowding pose additional challenges in the efforts to combat the highly infectious disease.” In Cameroon, these could be compounded by administrative negligence, poor communication strategy, misinformation and disinformation.

All hopes aren’t lost yet. The government can quickly revise its strategies and make hay while the sun shines.

Poverty clobbers Zimbabwe’s mineral-rich areas

MARANGE — His two thatched huts lay side by side overlooking a stream beyond which stood mounds of soils dug up from the diamond mining claims in the vicinity of his home.

Yet, over the 14 years since the diamonds were discovered in Marange, 56-year old Tenson Gowero has never tasted the sweetness of the country’s diamond wealth despite living in the midst of the gems.

Marange is a district in Zimbabwe’s Manicaland Province, West of Mutare, a town at the country’s border with Mozambique.

Home to many poverty-stricken villagers like Gowero, Marange is also an area of widespread small-scale diamond production in Chiadzwa, again west of Mutare, the Manicaland capital.

Even as Marange diamond fields were known to the public over a decade ago, the lives of many villagers here like Gowero have not changed for the better amid claims locals like Gowero himself were overpowered by migrant artisanal miners who descended on Marange diamonds salivating for the gems.

“I have nothing to show as a sign that I live in an area that houses the country’s diamond wealth; my children dropped out of school and I have no job even as some of my colleagues found employment at local diamond mining firms, I couldn’t because I know nobody there,” Gowero told Ubuntu Times.

Slums dot gold-rich area.
Hordes of slums dot gold-rich Shurugwi where mining corporations have over the years extracted the precious metal, however neglecting the general outlook of the communities whose gold wealth has enriched them. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

In 2006, diamonds were discovered in Marange, home to Gowero, triggering a diamond rush that lasted for three to four years, but even then Gowero claims that never turned around his fortunes.

“I have remained poor although it is known all over the world that my area sits on the country’s bulky diamond wealth,” said Gowero.

Yet, in a 2013 report, Zimbabwe’s Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Mines said it ‘observed with concern that from the time that the country was allowed to trade its diamonds on the world market, the government has still not realized any meaningful contributions from the sector.’

Besides the poverty that has pounded many villagers like Gowero, rights abuses have also accompanied Zimbabwe’s diamond wealth.

In fact, at the height of artisanal diamond mining in Gowero’s village, in particular, around 2008 an estimated 40,000 artisanal miners and diggers lived in the Marange diamond fields.

But, without warning whatsoever, the Zimbabwean government under the leadership of late President Robert Mugabe, deployed the military into Marange in November 2008 to violently put an end to artisanal mining.

Shabby home at center of gold riches.
Located in Venture, a place in the mining town of Kadoma in an area called Patchway in Zimbabwe’s Mashonaland West Province is a poor home consisting of two accommodation features a mud-plastered single room house roofed with a single zink sheet and a thatched kitchen hut built from sticks plastered with mud although the home stands in the midst of gold wealth. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

Subsequently, what ensued was a holocaust of local diggers and dealers.

But, for many Marange villagers like Gowero, even as brutality reigned supreme on Zimbabwe’s mines, poverty for them surpassed all and even to this day, he (Gowero) still bewails the grueling poverty that has gripped many like him despite living in a diamond-rich section of Zimbabwe.

Instead, according to civil society organizations like the Platform for Youth Development (PYD), criminal gangs made up of artisanal miners with links to Zimbabwe’s governing politicians, have seized parts of the diamond mining areas in Marange.

“Local villagers since the days the diamonds were discovered have rarely had the turn to directly benefit nor enjoy the diamond wealth of this country as armed gangs from other provinces like the Midlands Province seized the opportunity to run the show on the diamond fields,” Claris Madhuku, PYD director, told Ubuntu Times.

In Zimbabwe’s Midlands Province, machete-armed artisanal gold miners better known as mashurugwi because of their origin in Shurugwi town in the Province, stormed Manicaland’s Marange diamonds fields 14 years ago, elbowing out many locals like Gowero from the opportunities to mine the gems, rendering them further poorer.

Meanwhile, the Midlands Province itself, with a population of approximately 1.6 million, even with its gold wealth, 70 percent of its population is living in poverty, according to the Zimbabwe Statistics Agency (ZIMSTAT).

In Manicaland, where Marange diamond fields are located, 65 percent of the area’s population of 1.7 million as of the 2012 Zimbabwean census, are poor — many like Gowero, despite the people living in the midst of the country’s diamond wealth.

Derelict home in the midst of gold wealth.
In Patchway, a gold-rich area in Zimbabwe’s Kadoma town in Mashonaland West Province lies an old thatched house built from mud-plastered sticks where some people here have called home for years despite being resident in a gold-rich area. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

According to human rights activists like Elvis Mugari of the Occupy Africa Unity Square, a rights organization that was led by the missing journalist-cum activist Itai Dzamara, ‘in all the mineral-rich areas in Zimbabwe, criminal gangs have gained control, barring poor people from accessing the minerals.’

In order for ordinary persons to mine either gold or diamonds, or any other precious stones, to Mugari, ‘they have to bribe criminal gangs before they are permitted to mine, and so only the financially able can mine at the end of the day.’

So, Gowero said ‘as villagers, we have not only been robbed of diamonds but also of our freedom and we are now worse off than we were before diamonds were discovered here.’

As such, many poor villagers like Gowero even as they live amid plentiful diamond wealth, face twin hurdles to contend with — poverty and rights abuse.

To regional human rights defenders like Dewa Mavhinga, the Southern Africa Director with the Africa Division at Human Rights Watch, lack of effective national policies to help locals benefit from natural resources in their areas, have helped fan poverty around Zimbabwe’s mineral-rich spots.

“Communities on mineral-rich areas of Zimbabwe continue to live in extreme poverty for several reasons, including the absence of effective devolution and decentralization that would otherwise allow local communities to benefit from their indigenous resources,” Mavhinga told Ubuntu Times.

He (Mavhinga) also said ‘the centralization of control of mineral resources disempowers local communities and deprives them of an equitable share of the benefits from mining.’

Poverty ridden home amid gold wealth.
In a gold-rich mining area called Patchway located in Kadoma in Zimbabwe at a place called Venture, lies a poverty-ridden home, made from pole and mud despite the residents here domiciled in the gold-rich spot where the precious stone is being extracted every day. Credit: Jeffrey Moyo / Ubuntu Times

In March 2016, in his televised 92nd birthday, former Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, while providing no evidence, told the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) that diamonds worth over US$15 billion had been looted in Marange.

However, to this day even after the former President kicked the bucket, no one has been held accountable for the alleged diamond heist.

But, evidently, Marange’s villagers like Gowero have had to remain behind testifying of the resultant poverty.

The Centre for Natural Resource Governance, (CNRG) which works with Marange community activists, petitioned the Parliament of Zimbabwe in 2017 to “ensure diamond mining contributes to the development of the health, educational and road infrastructure of the Marange community, especially areas affected by diamond mining.”

But, to this day, the 89 km road from Marange to Mutare is derelict, with its longest stretch unpaved over 10 years after Chinese diamond mining firms descended on Marange.

CNRG is a research and advocacy civil society organization whose mandate is to promote good governance of natural resources.

Silencing guns in Africa: points to note

African leaders just concluded the 33rd African Union (AU) summit at their headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The 2020 theme has been choreographed as ‘silencing guns in Africa,’ a move that seeks to put an end to war and violence within the continent.

Reason for the theme.

The theme has been under preparation for several years now and several retreats have been convened to create a roadmap to this noble initiative. The theme was adopted on 25 May 2013 by the AU Assembly of Heads of State and Government during the 50th Anniversary of the Solemn Declaration. The then chairperson of the AU Commission, H.E. Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma called upon experts to discuss prudent ideas towards silencing guns in Africa. Several high-level retreats have taken place since then.

Africa’s post-colonial wars

A number of African countries have been in decades ravaged by un-ending wars leading to instability in their respective regions. Currently, there are over fifteen African countries involved in a war or are experiencing post-war conflict and tension. In West Africa, the countries include  Guinea, Liberia, Ivory Coast, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, and Togo. In East Africa, the countries include Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda. In Central Africa, the countries include Burundi, The Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda. In North Africa, the country is Algeria and in Southern Africa, the countries include Angola and Zimbabwe. DR Congo and Somalia are among the top countries that have been experiencing instability for more than a decade.

The root of the wars

Most of these wars can be blamed on poor leadership and external influence. A report by the International Journal of Security and Development linked poor leadership to the root cause of violent conflicts in West Africa. They reported that ‘the roots of conflict in West Africa are much deeper and complex, and are embedded in the interplay of historical factors, socio-economic crisis, legacies of authoritarianism and the politics of exclusion, international forces, and local struggles.’

Other factors that have widely been reported include ethnic marginalization, poverty, human rights violations, and bad governance and corruption.

AU’s efforts to stop the previous conflicts

Conflict is inevitable in any society and requires taking risks to put an end to it. The African Union has in many instances tried to bring conflict resolution in all the countries that have been involved in an absolute war. The tasks of managing or resolving conflicts in Africa have been profoundly difficult for the AU. The AU peace mission brought stability in Burundi when a task force was deployed to protect, disarm, demobilize and reintegrate combatants. The ceasefire negotiations in Burundi has been described as the AU’s biggest success story.

DR Congo’s long fight has seen the central African state experience high levels of insecurity and a threat to neighboring countries like Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, Tanzania, and the Central African Republic. The neighboring countries had before 1998 invaded DRC to fight off the militants but this move was constantly criticized by DR Congo’s government. Lusaka ceasefire agreement was later signed by the affected countries under the AU observation mission on July 10, 1999, and brought an end to the second Congo war.

The AU also brought an end to the Darfur war in Sudan where the Arab ‘white’ Sudanese government fought a civil war against the predominantly black population. The Abuja Inter-Sudanese Peace Talks later led to the signing of N’djamena Humanitarian Ceasefire Agreement on 8 April 2004. This brought peace between the government of Sudan and the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army.

Advice to the AU

The African Union has to understand the fundamental issue at hand resulting to violent conflict in a given country. In his book, Understanding Conflict Resolution, Peter Wallensteen reveals that understanding the historical root cause of the conflict will help in settling down any issue at hand. The AU must understand the dynamics and how guns and other weapons get to our hands. Guns just don’t appear on our hands. There is a manufacturer, buyer, transporter, user and the victim. They have to identify who benefits from these conflicts. Multinational companies have been blamed by several human rights groups for fueling conflict in Congo that is known for its vast mineral deposits. The AU should also set up a unit that can investigate various leaders on their conduct and appropriate measures taken in case they are suspected of any mischievous deals leading to violent conflicts.

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Labour Party And The Future Of Radical Politics In Nigeria

10 months ago
Needless to say, the 2023 elections happened amid overwhelming disillusionment with the system and popular discontent with the major establishment political parties—the ruling All...
Good road networks key in trade facilitation

Political Instability, Intra-state Conflicts, And Threats To AfCFTA Agreement’s ‘Made In Africa’ Aspirations

11 months ago
The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is arguably the African Union’s (AU) biggest project since the launch of the continent’s Agenda 2063 in...
Picture of journalists and victims of forced evictions in Mosafejo-Oworonshoki

How The Lagos State Government Demolished Houses Of Low-Income Earners In Mosafejo-Oworonshoki, Forced Over...

11 months ago
In a sudden turn of events, piles of wreckage became the only remnants of what used to be homes to over 7,000 people, women,...
African leaders pose for a photo in St. Petersburg, Russia.

Russia-Africa Relations: Africa’s Entanglement With Politics Of Patronage Without Liberation

1 year ago
There are intense political and intellectual debates unfolding in Africa. Since February 24 last year, when war broke out in Europe following Russia’s special...
Protestors at a mine at the settlement of Uis in Namibia's Erongo region

Namibia Lithium Battle

1 year ago
On June 27, 2023, a judge of the High Court of Namibia, Ramon Maasdorp, ruled that the Southern African country’s Minister of Mines and...
Operation Dudula supporters marched in the Johannesburg Central Business District.

Operation Dudula

1 year ago
There is no direct translation for the word Dudula in the English language, but the president of the organization that started off as a...
Lunch hour in Windhoek's Central Business District (CBD) with residents walking through Post Street Mall, Windhoek's main business center..

The Tragedy Of Namibia’s Working Poor

1 year ago
At the dawn of independence in 1990, a public servant working in an entry-level position for the state could afford to buy themselves a...
The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) celebrate 10 years at the FNB stadium in Johannesburg.

Economic Freedom In Our Lifetime

1 year ago
A packed FNB stadium with over one hundred thousand supporters demonstrated the mass appeal of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) amongst South African voters...
Monica Geingos, First Lady of the Republic of Namibia and President of the Organization of African First Ladies for Development.

Organization Of African First Ladies For Development

1 year ago
The Organization of African First Ladies for Development (OAFLAD) launched the #WeAreEqual Campaign on Wednesday, August 23, 2023, at a banquet ceremony held in...
Dumisani Baleni EFF South Africa Communications officer for Gauteng Province, South Africa.

EFF Confronts Racism In South African Schools

1 year ago
An incident involving a thirteen-year-old girl child at the Crowthorne Christian Academy in South Africa led to the schools' closure and the re-sparking of...
African leaders discussed the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) at the 36th African Union (AU) Summit held on 18th February 2023 at the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Africa’s Rebirth At 60: Carrying Noble Ideas That Nobody Is Willing To Implement

1 year ago
To most academics, intellectuals, and pragmatists advocating for a genuine Pan-African renaissance six decades after the founding of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU,...
Photo Of newly inaugurated President, Bola Tinubu, and immediate past President, Muhammad Buhari.

Tinubu’s Inauguration: End Of An Error, The Dawn Of Calamity

1 year ago
"I am confident that I am leaving office with Nigeria better in 2023 than in 2015." President Buhari ended his farewell speech with this...
Zimbabwe’s President posing for a photo with his guests.

IMF And World Bank: The ‘Bad Samaritans’ And Neoliberals Cheating Africa Into A Cycle...

1 year ago
The Western liberal consensus has long been intervening and interfering in Africa. The first form of intervention was through the slave trade from the...