Sexual Violence

Ghanaian Women Band Together Under The Shadow Of Sexual Violence

A group of women gather on a synthetic lawn one Sunday in Labone, a suburb of Accra.

Clad in sports gear, they pick up little tricks from an instructor to defend themselves from attackers who may be twice their size. 

Despite the roundhouse and elbow strikes being taught, the surface goal of the class was simple – give yourself a chance to run. 

With a society that stacks the odds against women, there are few options better than running for women faced with the threat of sexual and gender-based violence.

The idea of self-defense classes in Accra is rare, so the quirkily named The Boring Talkative support group saw an opportunity to add another layer to its advocacy with this move to empower women who are justified in their fears.

Just how hostile is Ghanaian society towards women? 

This is a question that at times prompts comparisons to horrific accounts of violence against women in notorious countries like South Africa or India.

Some have called this a subtle form of gaslighting that ignores an insidious problem that prompted the various forms of advocacy from The Boring Talkative.

Farida Yusif, the founder of the Boring Talkative, wanted to create a safe space for women with her group, especially women victims of physical and sexual abuse, and make sure they were heard.

“We are constantly faced with threats of someone trying to attack us,” she said to Ubuntu Times after a second meeting of the class back in 2020.

By the strict definition, one could set a watch by the kinds of sexual violence women and girls in Ghana face daily.

Unwanted sexual comments or physical contact all count as sexual violence. The former is rampant online.

Incidents of sexual and gender-based violence are grossly underreported and the police is not able to effectively investigate cases.

In a lot of instances, some victims are even priced out of justice.

As at 2019, doctors were charging 300 to 800 cedis ($51 to $137) to fill out police medical forms for rape victims and 1,000 to 2,000 cedis ($171 to $343) for medical opinions in legal processes.

Idrissa Hamdiya, a school teacher in Accra, was one of the participants in the self-defense class and she is very aware of these threats to women and the role they play in propping each other up.

For her helping survivors of sexual violence isn’t just about coping with trauma.

“Statistics show that for most people who have been raped once, the probability is high that they are going to get raped again,” she notes.

“When we talk about ladies who go through sexual harassment and all that, first we have to help them heal emotionally and we also have to teach them to defend themselves.”

Self-defence class
The women are constantly reminded by their instructor that the goal is to create an opportunity to run. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

Idrissa seemed impressed with her experience in the class and wished more women had such an opportunity.

She, like some of the women in the self-defense class, was mindful of their privileged position.

They didn’t need reminding that they were but a drop in the bucket of a larger fight. 

Ghanaian society needs a new awareness of the threat posed to women if it is to get safer, stresses Farida.

She says her ultimate goal is “to educate people and reorient our society and help us unlearn certain attitudes that oppress women.”

On the other side of Accra in Haatso, Doreen Raheena Sulleyman, a journalist and women’s advocate, was nursing her second of two daughters, having recently delivered.

She is worried about the Ghana she will have to bring up her daughter in and is especially vexed by the casual grooming of children, some barely old enough for pre-school.

Doreen recalled to Ubuntu Times she once had cause to dress down a male shop keeper who spoke inappropriately to her daughter.

This is a pathway to sexual abuse she is hyper-aware of and one she will never indulge.

“Those things agitate me. They get on my nerves easily,” she says.

With her journalism, she has tried to highlight the issue of gender violence both on and offline.

She has found that state institutions like the Domestic Violence and Victims Support Unit have not only done little by way of enforcement but not offered much support to reporters striving for in-depth coverage.

For example, there doesn’t appear to be any recent organized data on gender-based violence according to suggestions from a police source to Ubuntu Times.

“It would be most disappointing if that were the case,” the source said with worry.

Recently in Ghana’s Parliament, the Minority leader also complained that relevant committees had not been privy to any crime data since 2016.

The most visible data on sexual violence available appears to be from a UK-funded report commissioned by Ghana’s Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection.

Ministry for Gender, Children and Social Protection signboard
The commitment of Ghana’s Ministry for Gender to protecting women has been questioned by critics. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

It showed that 30 percent of women (older than 15) experienced sexual violence at least once over their lifetime. 

Doreen also works outside of mainstream media because support for her passion is lacking from the architecture of established media organizations.

She also questions the ethics of mainstream media in reporting on sexual and gender-based violence.

This hasn’t gone unnoticed by observers.

A 2018 research article by BMC Women’s Health came to the conclusion that media framing of violence against women was in Ghana “episodic in nature” and normally reported without wider social context.

The article also raised concerns with the victim-blaming language that was largely used in the news articles.

It is common to see news reports that recklessly put out the identities of victims of gender-based violence.

Doreen on the other hand says she once went as far as preparing a Non-Disclosure Agreement for victims of sexual violence she once interviewed for a story.

“They didn’t request for it but I just wanted them to feel safe, to feel secure, to feel okay to pour everything out,” she says.

Like The Boring Talkative, she too believes ultimate safety for women will come when Ghanaian society unlearns the norms that foment a hostile environment for women.

For this to happen, the state will have to take charge with shaping narratives, she says.

Private media may be popular but it seldom commits to issues like gender-based violence unless there is a sensational angle.

“If it is not bringing them [private media] money, they will not worry themselves about it,” Doreen remarks.

That leaves the state which owes its women a safer society, she insists.

And this will come about through better education – education that is so far non-existent.

“The Social Welfare Department is there. The Domestic Violence and Victims Support Unit is there and I don’t even know what they are doing,” Doreen says with frustration.

She further ropes in Ghana’s National Commission for Civic Education and Ministry for Gender, Children and Social Protection in this regard.

In as much as she distrusts the press’ handling of matters of gender-based violence, people outside metropolitan areas really only have broadcast media as their main source of information.

And the state media is best positioned to cast the widest net given its obvious reach and influence outside metropolitan areas.

“Whatever they hear from the news they believe it so they rely on the media for so many things,” reminds Doreen.

“Why can’t the Ministry of Gender set up a TV channel specifically for education on sexual violence? They can get people to educate in numerous languages being spoken across Ghana.”

Issues bordering on sexual conduct have never been mainstream in Ghana and as things stand, no conversations on sexual and gender-based violence in public schools or even churches and Doreen says this needs to change.

She tries to do her bit when she can.

“The culture of silence has a huge impact on us. Me, I try as much as possible to talk to my age mates who have children and other women,” she says. 

“When it comes to issues of gender-based violence, I am not shy about me. It invigorates me.”

Beryl Darkwa, a fellow coordinator of the Boring Talkative’s activities also believes the buck stops with the state.

“For us to see proper change; for us to feel the change we are hoping for, the state must help. The state must step in,” she says.

“Like it or not, sexual and gender-based violence is also a Ghanaian problem. It is not just a Ghanaian women’s problem.”

Support group
Farida (L) and Beryl (R) encourage the women to open up about some unpleasant experiences. Credit: Delali Adogla-Bessa / Ubuntu Times

In the meantime, as we wait for some significant change, women like Farida, Beryl and Doreen want to encourage victims to speak out more.

“We should be able to normalize talking about the trauma that happens to us because if we don’t do it, more people get away with these things,” Beryl says.

With the lack of support from the state, the only allies women probably have are themselves.

Though Beryl feels shared fears and traumas connect women, it is also a “sisterhood” that gives her hope.

“Even though they are individual traumas. It is something every other woman can relate to. So it is important that women band together.”

Hope For Sexual Violence Survivors In Kenya As Court Ruling Favors Them In Landmark Case

Immediately after the announcement of the 2007 presidential election results in Kenya, all hell broke loose across the country as neighbors turned against each other, divided along tribal lines as they defended their political inclinations.

Mary (not her real name), was living in an estate next to a slum in Nairobi when her neighbor’s friend came to her home and purported to be looking for his friend before taking advantage of the situation to pounce on and rape her.

“We fought for quite some time but eventually he overpowered me and that is when he succeeded in violating me,” she narrates.

Traumatized, Mary could not go to the hospital nor police station to report the matter as it was also unsafe for her with the violence that had just broken out. When she finally did, two days later, the officer on duty at the nearby police station put her off.

“He told me to go away as there were more serious matters to deal with at that moment,” Mary says.

The then 40-year-old mother of four had just lost her husband and her fourth-born child was hardly a year old. A few weeks later, she discovered that she had gotten pregnant from the rape. And like many other women who were victims of rape during this period, she never wanted to have the baby; she contemplated abortion and failed three times.

“I then went to the Children Services department and registered to give away the child. But in my delivery room, the nurse on duty was not aware that I was not supposed to even see the child and after I delivered, she put her next to me. When I woke up, I kid you not; I heard the sweetest sound of a child on earth! That is when I embraced, loved and protected her jealously up to now,” she says.

Her daughter is now twelve and Mary says that she’s a very adorable child who according to her is a piece of work, as she is a girl scout, a football captain, and a music leader; a wonderful, beautiful little girl.

Two years later, Mary met the man responsible for the atrocity and says that she froze. “I met him once on the road and he just looked down and walked away. He knew I had a child from the rape. That is when I realized that I had been punishing myself by hating on someone who might not even be aware of what scar he had left in my life. I decided to forgive myself and embrace my life,” she says.

Cases of sexual and gender-based violence are still rampant in Kenya, and even more with the containment measures imposed by the government to curb the spread of COVID-19. A UN situational report from October this year pointed out that 23.6 percent of Kenyans have witnessed or heard cases of domestic violence in their communities since the introduction of COVID-19 containment measures.

After post-election violence, there was hope that the government would come in and ensure the protection of the rights of sexual and gender-based violence survivors are recognized and protected, and also so that they can get meaningful reparation.

A front view of the court
A front view of the Milimani Law Courts in Nairobi. Judge Weldon Korir delivered the ruling awarding sexual violence victims on December 10th at this court. Credit: Dominic Kirui / Ubuntu Times

In what human rights activists have termed a landmark ruling, the High Court of Kenya, on 10th December, ruled in favor of four of the eight survivors who were backed by several human rights groups.

The four women were awarded 4 million Kenyan Shillings (about $36,596) each in damages. The four, according to the High Court were either violated by police officers and the GSU personnel or had reported the incidents and to the police, got registered in the police records and the police didn’t do anything.

In his judgment, High Court Judge Weldon Korir said that the Kenyan government had failed to conduct “independent and effective investigations and prosecutions” of sexual violence during the period within which there was unrest in the country after the election results were announced.

Naitore Nyamu, a human rights advocate and head of Physicians for Human Rights’ Kenya office (one of the four institutional petitioners in the case) says that as institutional petitioners who supported the survivors go through the petition, they did not agree with that part of the court decision.

“The criteria used by the court to award the four survivors was that three of the individual petitioners had been violated by state agents (meaning the police or GSU officers), and one had registered her case with the police and no action was taken. This does not make all the other cases right,” says Naitore.

However, these were not the only survivors of sexual violence during the skirmishes. Official records from government-supported reports indicated that 900 Kenyans, both male, and female, had suffered sexual violence during the post-election violence period.

Mary says that even though her case did not see the light of day after being thrown out by the police officer when she went to report, the ruling in which her fellow victims were compensated meant a lot for the country in the future. “This will at least ensure that our efforts to have the victim’s voices heard have not been in vain,” she says.

For Naitore, the length of time that it has taken to get justice for these victims is a case of justice delayed and therefore denied.

“When such a weighty case takes long in court, it is justice denied for these survivors. However, it’s a very important case coming from a domestic national court. It’s a landmark case as it is the first of its kind whereby the state is being held to account on sexual and gender-based violations at the national level,” she says.

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