Mtwara, Tanzania — Tanzanian villagers who watched in horror their loved ones shot at point-blank while others including children kidnapped have spoken about their horrifying ordeal carried out by terrorists who infiltrated into the southern Mtwara region, killing at least 20 people and destroying property.
Horribly Shocking
Husna Mahmoud told Ubuntu Times how the gun-trotting militant equipped with an automatic rifle and a flashlight, burst into her mud-walled shack in the middle of the night while everyone slept.
He killed her husband punched her six-year-old daughter and shoved a gun barrel into the mouth of her brother.
“I don’t want to remember the suffering my children went through, it was horribly shocking,” she said angrily.
Gun Rampage
More than 300 heavily-armed terrorists believed to be affiliated with Daesh/ISIS group, raided Kitaya village, nestled on the banks of Ruvuma river, razing homes, killing people, police confirmed.
Sources said the militants sneaked into the country by sea and launched their gun rampage after crossing the Ruvuma River on the border of Tanzania and Mozambique.
The group claimed responsibility for the attack which reportedly killed more than 20 people including, officials said.
Military Troops
A couple of months ago Tanzania dispatched military troops in Mtwara to flush out terrorists believed to be hiding on the border region.
Sitting on a straw mat on a perched ground of the sleepy Mtwara village, Mahmoud sank deeper into her brown shawl. Hidden from view her speech restricted as she recounts her side of what had happened during the fateful day.
“I was woken up by a man shouting Allah Akbar, he broke into our door and pulled my husband up, I screamed and screamed before he shot him,” she said.
Husna, whose voice is cracking and was momentarily unable to speak, recalled how the gunman traded insults before a blood-soaked corpse of her husband.
“I begged him not to kill my husband, it was too late,” she recalled.
Eyewitnesses said the gunmen, wanted to inflict fear as they spread their doctrine.
Local residents at Kitaya have since been living in fear; some of them hiding in the forest at night to avoid being ambushed.
Gruesome Murders
A video posted by the terrorist group on social media, show them decapitating a man and throwing his head onto a road.
In the videos, the murderers, who spoke in Swahili said they were there to teach their doctrine and had nothing to do with the general elections.
Despite its reputation for peace and stability, Tanzania has lately experienced a rising number of Islamic insurgent attacks. While most of these attacks rarely make international headlines, observers say the risk is still high as jihadists in Cabo Delgado province of Mozambique are seeking to exploit regions with no strong presence of security forces to inflict fear.
Dismantling The Network
Simon Sirro, the Inspector General of Police (IGP) said they have arrested dozens of attackers and are still interrogating them.
“If you kill Tanzanians, their blood cannot go in vain. We will do all we can to bring them to justice,” he told reporters.
According to him, preliminary investigations show the attackers are part of a vicious network of insurgents who had committed a spate of murders in Tanzania’s coastal district of Rufiji in 2017.
Security sources suggest the terrorist group was aiming to recruit vulnerable young people in coastal regions notably Pwani, Tanga, and Mtwara where citizens harbor social, economic, and political grievances.
IGP Sirro said police investigations have found that the Mtwara attackers include radicalized Tanzanian citizens.
Dismissing Criticism
Sirro dismissed criticism against the police force saying they work closely with Interpol and their counterparts in Mozambique to dismantle the evil axis.
The latest terrorist attack has heightened security risks for investors engaged in multibillion-dollar gas exploration projects in the two countries.
While ISIS had not been directly linked to any attacks in Tanzania, security sources warned that youths from Kibiti, Mkuranga, and Rufiji districts were vulnerable to radicalized Islamic doctrine.
In October 2013, police in Mtwara confiscated firearms, machetes, and 25 DVDs containing terrorism training materials, including lectures instructing followers to “liberate Muslims in East Africa.”
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania — The breath-taking moment showing a family taking refuge on a rooftop as floodwater rapidly rushing into a submerging home at a low-lying Msasani neighborhood in Dar es Salaam—destroying furniture, carrying away cooking utensils, tells a grim story.
As heavy rains drizzled in Tanzania’s largest city last week, it triggered floods that engulfed homes, destroyed assets and infrastructures.
“I have lost everything,” said Jumbe Marijani, a resident of Msasani.
A legion of Dar es Salaam residents walk to work due to lack of transport. Credit: Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times
According to him, the entire neighborhood was entangled by the floods, making it hard to salvage personal belongings.
The 51-year-old father of six, who lives at the Kinondoni is among many residents who have been rendered homeless due to flooding.
“I have never seen such rains, it was horribly heavy,” said Marijani, whose family is squatting in a make-shift shack while waiting for the water to recede.
“I have incurred huge loss it will take time to recover,” said Marijani.
Africa’s Fastest Growing City
As one of Africa’s fastest-growing cities with nearly 70 percent of its six million inhabitants living in informal settlements, Dar es Salaam is highly vulnerable to flooding which often destroys infrastructures while causing water-borne diarrhea diseases.
Heavy rains twice a year, often cause floods that force thousands of the city’s residents from their homes and cause untold damage to the infrastructures.
A flooded Msimbazi river in Dar es Salaam. Credit: Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times
In the Central Business District (CBD) and the Kariakoo business hub, the dilapidated sewage network often becomes overwhelmed during the rainy season—forcing effluents to overflow, exposing people to health hazards.
As authorities grapple with the impacts of climate change, local residents are bearing the heaviest burden due to logistical and infrastructural challenges.
Wastewater Dumping
For Ladislaus Mirindo, a gush of wastewater perpetually flowing from a broken sewer presents a serious health challenge to his family.
“I am quite worried for my children. They don’t have enough space to play, they oftentimes step on this dirty water,” he said.
The father of five, who lives in the Magomeni area, routinely dump the seeping sludge from his toilet in the nearby Msimbazi river.
MotorCyclists negotiate their way through a flooded road. Credit: Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times
“We do it at night to avoid being caught,” said 46-year-old Mirindo.
Most people in this squalid slum lack access to better sanitation, officials said.
“It cannot afford to hire a cesspit tanker. It costs around Tanzanian shillings 80,000(US$36) just for a single trip,” said Mirindo who works as a mason.
Rapid Urban Sprawl
As more than half of the world’s population is estimated to be living in cities, according to the United Nation projections, the share is likely to increase to 66 percent by 2050, with about 90 percent of the increase taking place in urban areas in Africa and Asia.
While rapid urbanization creates wealth and reduces poverty, analysts say it creates chaos in cities like Dar es Salaam which is vulnerable to flooding.
A flooded Jangwani neighborhood near the city center. Credit: Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times
The smoke-belching city, which generates about 40 percent of Tanzania’s GDP and is poised to become a megacity by 2040 is exposed to many climate change risks notably flooding, sea-level rise, coastal erosion, all of which threaten infrastructure assets worth $5.3 billion, according to the United Nations.
As the number of people living in slums rises, Dar es Salaam epitomizes the growing challenge of dealing with urbanization, natural disasters, and poverty, according to urban planning experts at ICLEI, a network of more than a thousand cities working on sustainable development and resilience issues.
Vulnerability To Disasters
As authorities are grappling to resolve the city’s biggest environmental challenge: flooding, Dar’s low-lying geographical location increases its vulnerability to weather-related disasters.
According to Shahidi wa Maji, a local charity working to promote sustainable water resources, about a quarter-million people in the sprawling Msimbazi valley face serious health risks linked to the river’s “toxic industrial effluent, human sewage, chemicals and abattoir waste.
Strategic Plans
To cope with rapid urban sprawl, city authorities have redrawn a master plan for Dar es Salaam, with the aim to create a Metropolitan Development Authority that would be responsible for planning and infrastructure development including transportation and utilities.
Abubakar Kunenge, the Regional Commissioner for Dar es Salaam said government is working to identify flood-prone areas and draw up preparedness plans and strategic actions, such as installing early warning systems, to improve the people’s ability to respond to disasters and help them recover quickly.
Poor people spent sleepless nights due to floods. Credit: Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times
“Our city has lately undergone a huge spatial growth, which cannot cope with the available facilities,” he told Ubuntu Times.
According to him, plans are afoot to mainstream climate change adaptation into existing urban development policies such as building stronger storm-water drainage systems in areas hard-hit by flood as well as relocating afflicted communities from flood risk areas.
Climate Proofing Interventions
However, Silvia Macchi, an associate professor of urban planning at Sapienza University in Italy who has worked on climate change adaptation in Dar es Salaam said enforcing land use policies in cities like this where informal settlements dominate is an uphill struggle.
“Rapid population growth and poor urban planning are the most significant challenges that Dar es Salaam faces.” She said adding “climate-proofing interventions should be carefully assessed against the risk of increasing unbalanced living conditions between different areas”
As part of its efforts to cushion vulnerable communities from disasters, the government relocated 654 families whose homes submerged in water during the 2011 floods.
Experts say the majority of city dwellers who live in flood-prone areas have no choice because they’re poor, even if they know their lives and property are at risk.
A Bulldozer removing mud on the main Morogoro road to allow motorists to pass. Credit: Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times
Most slum dwellers consider the rainy season as a temporary thing, they are willing to live with the threat of floods, soon forgetting the misery they’ve been through.
Until today, however much of Tanzania’s urban areas have been what the developmental economist Bohela Lunogelo terms “dysfunctional” characterized by poor infrastructures, lack of formal jobs, and haphazardly built slums.
Weak Regulations
Lack of planning, weak regulations, and the difficulty of obtaining title deeds for land lead cities to grow out rather than up, making commuting longer and costly.
In Dar es Salaam, about three-quarters of inhabitants live in informal settlements like Tandale, a vast, labyrinthine neighborhood of flimsily built concrete houses, where children play hide-and-seek near open sewers and flooding nearly every rainy season leads to outbreaks of diarrhea and cholera.
“My son nearly died from cholera last year, I don’t want to remember the ordeal I was through,” said Mirindo.
Dar es Salaam, October 8 — Tanzania’s ruling party—Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and the government have come under strong criticism for allegedly attacking citizens’ rights and processes necessary to ensure a free and fair election.
“Citizens must not sit idly while their rights, hopes, and dreams are eviscerated by a political party determined to stay in power at any cost,” warned the White Paper in its preamble.
Unlawful Disqualifications
The paper also accused the National Electoral Commission (NEC) of unlawfully disqualifying hundreds of opposition political candidates.
The new document was published days after Tanzania electoral body suspended the campaigns of the leading opposition presidential candidate, Tundu Lissu for seven days ostensibly for inciting violence in one of his campaign meetings, in what critics say an attempt to thwart his growing political influence.
“This orchestrated rough justice is yet another proof of a discredited NEC and compromised electoral system,” said Lissu.
Lissu has been subjected to police intimidation. For example, his convoy was blocked two days ago by heavily armed police officers for nine hours—preventing him from attending an internal party meeting in the coast region.
“After nine hours standoff with the police on the Morogoro highway, the police have blinked first. They’ve lifted the illegal blockade our right to meet freely with our members has been vindicated,” Lissu tweeted.
The 52-year-old human rights lawyer, who is running on the ticket of Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) is a fierce critic of the incumbent President John Magufuli—who’s seeking re-election for his second and final term in office.
Lissu, who returned on July 20th after three years in exile in Belgium, survived a brazen assassination attempt in which unknown assailants shot him 16 times.
Police Violence
According to the White Paper, members of the opposition have also been charged for sedition, incitement to violence, or for holding rally the police deem illegal.
As the general election is drawing near, the document states, fears are mounting for Tanzania’s main opposition party about the status of its poll agents and their ability to monitor polling stations as required by law.
The White Paper urged President Magufuli and the country’s electoral body to respect the will of the people by ensuring that CHADEMA’s polling agents are permitted to observe polling stations as required by the law.
It warns NEC to immediately approve opposition parliamentary and councillorship candidates who were disqualified on baseless grounds and have since been waiting for a dragging appeal process.
Fabricated Lies
The document, which CCM’s party ideology publicity Secretary, Humphrey Polepole, dismissed as fabricated lies, suggests the October polls stand little chance of being free and fair.
The document calls on the international community to demand proper monitoring of the polls and to consider tougher measures against individuals it accuses of violating human rights and basic freedoms.
As the country is verging to the polls, opposition leaders say the government is using every trick to sabotage the opposition.
Misleading Impression
Zitto Kabwe the leader of ACT-Wazalendo party said the presidential candidates from little-known parties are stooges put by CCM to create the misleading impression that democracy is growing.
“Suspending the leading opposition candidate’s presidential campaign on bogus charges raises serious questions about the independence of Tanzania’s electoral commission,” he said in a statement.
Dar es Salaam — Africa losses roughly 88.6 billion USD every year in illicit financial flows (IFFs) including tax evasion and outright theft of resources, UN study shows.
The report, titled “Tackling illicit financial flows for sustainable development in Africa,” published a week ago by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) suggests the IFFs is nearly as much as the combined total amount of development assistance, valued at $48 billion and annual foreign direct investment, pegged at $54 billion — the average African countries received between 2013 and 2015.
Hurdle To Development
Illicit financial flows are hindering African development by draining foreign exchange, reducing domestic resources, stifling trade, and macroeconomics stability thus worsening poverty and inequality.
“Illicit financial flows rob Africa and its people of their prospects, undermining transparency and accountability and eroding trust in African institutions,” says UNCTAD secretary-general Mukhisa Kituyi.
The report shows, almost half of the money that Africa loses is accounted for by the export of undervalued commodities such as gold, diamonds, and platinum.
For instance, the report shows, gold accounted for 77 percent of the total under-invoiced exports worth $40 billion.
Stopping The Flight
While tackling illicit flows is a priority for the United Nations, most African countries are yet to plug loopholes that facilitate illegal capital flight and commercial practices such as mis-invoicing of trade shipments, corruption, money laundering, and illegal markets and theft.
From 2000 to 2015, the total illicit capital flight from Africa amounted to $836 billion. Compared to Africa’s total external debt stock of $770 billion in 2018, this makes Africa a “net creditor to the world”, the report says.
IFFs related to the export of extractive commodities ($40 billion in 2015) are the largest component of illicit capital flight from Africa. Although estimates of IFFs are large, they likely understate the problem and its impact.
IFFs Undermine Africa’s Potential To Achieve The SDGs
IFFs represent a major drain on capital and revenues in Africa, undermining productive capacity, and Africa’s prospects for achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
For example, the report finds that, in African countries with high IFFs, governments spend 25% less than countries with low IFFs on health and 58% less on education.
Since women and girls often have less access to health and education, they suffer most from the negative fiscal effects of IFFs. Africa will not be able to bridge the large financing gap to achieve the SDGs, estimated at $200 billion per year, with existing government revenues and development assistance.
The report finds that tackling capital flight and IFFs represents a large potential source of capital to finance much-needed investments in infrastructure, education, health, and productive capacity.
Paul Akiwumi UNCTAD Director for Africa said IFFs is a shared problem between developing and developed countries.
According to him, extractive, telecom sectors, and financial services are more susceptible to IFFs.
Akiwumi said IFFs have huge social and economic consequences. They not only drain domestic financial resources but also they’re correlated with lower government spending on key development areas.
“Illicit activities are by their very nature inherently difficult to record due to the differences in legal and regulatory frameworks across jurisdictions,” he told Ubuntu Times.
According to him, efforts to curb IFFs are hampered by lack of statistics.
The report shows IFFs in Africa are endemic to certain high-value, low-weight commodities including gold.
Sharpening Skills And Knowledge
Out of $40 billion of IFFs derived from extractive commodities in 2015, 77% were concentrated in the gold supply chain, followed by diamonds (12%) and platinum (6%).
The report aims to equip African governments with knowledge to identify and evaluate risks associated with IFFs and foment solutions to curb IFFs and redirect the proceeds towards development projects.
Improving Cooperation
The report says African governments have not sufficiently reformed their taxation systems and enhance their national capacities to curb tax evasion and tackle proceeds from money laundering and recover stolen assets
Global Intervention
Tax revenues lost to IFFs are costly to Africa where public investment and spending on SDGs are lacking. In 2014 Africa lost approximately $9.6 billion to tax havens, equivalent to 2.5% of total tax revenue.
Local judicial authorities often lack the tools to challenge tax evasion at the core of the global shady financial system.
“Tackling illicit financial flows, however, will open the door to releasing much-needed investments in education, health, and productive sectors. African Governments — in concert with Africa’s private sector actors — should take the lead in strengthening stolen asset recovery, setting new standards for avoiding illicit flows and committing to more concerted actions to combat the negative impact of illicit financial flows on African economies,” says Kituyi.
Local analysts have called for global policymakers to devise measures that would deter billions of dollars from being siphoned out of the continent through money laundering and industrial-scale corporate tax avoidance.
“Africa is not a net debtor, rather a net creditor whose resources are drained through corruption, tax evasion, and outright theft. We need a new paradigm to reverse this trend,” said Bohera Lunogelo an analyst from a Dar es Salaam-based Economic and Social Research Foundation.
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania — The convoys of Tanzania’s opposition presidential candidate and his running mate were on different occasion subjected to a hail of teargas canisters and live ammunition this week as police attempted to disperse huge crowds of people who wanted to listen to the man who survived a brazen assassination attempt in 2017 in which he was shot 16 times.
The first incident happened at Nyamongo—a mining village in northern Mara region when Tundu Lissu, the opposition presidential candidate on the ticket of Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) was about to make a brief stop-over to greet his supporters when the police started firing indiscriminately in the air after a verbal confrontation with CHADEMA security detail.
“Our convoy has been subjected to a massive teargas attack by the Police… in an attempt to block our route heading to our campaign meeting,” said Lissu adding that “Our supporters have equally been bitterly caned and hurt. Let them bomb us and shoot us, but we shall never back down.”
Unbowed and Defiant
Surprisingly as teargas smoke belched, Lissu’s supporters remained unprovoked, chanting his campaign slogans while pushing the police vehicles out of the way so that they could hear their hero roaring.
Media sources said the confrontation started shortly after Lissu and his team inadvertently took a wrong route to a scheduled campaign rally contrary to what they had previously agreed with the local police, forcing police officers who were escorting the convoy to withdraw their escort.
Police Beatings
Video footages show scores of CHADEMA’s supporters including motorcycle riders had been injured after they were brutally caned by the riot police officers.
“I was just passing by when the police van blocked the road and the officers started to attack me heavily with batons,” said Mwita Chacha who sustained injuries and had his motorcycle destroyed.
“Why should police threaten a presidential candidate with bullets and tear gas,” Queried Ansbert Ngurumo an independent journalist and fierce critic of the Tanzanian regime.
Despite the confrontation, the presidential candidate was able to make his speech before heading to the northern Serengeti area where he spent a night.
Speaking in Serengeti, Lissu strongly condemned the police attempt to disrupt his rallies.
Running Mate in Trouble
Meanwhile the convoy of his running mate, Salum Mwalimu was teargassed by the police in the eastern Ifakara village, ostensibly to disperse throngs of supporters as he tried to greet residents who had gathered for a rally expected to be addressed by the opposition’s councillorship candidate.
Tanzania will hold its highly anticipated election on October 28. President John Magufuli, who seeks re-election on the ticket of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) is facing strong opposition from Lissu of CHADEMA.
Independent Commission
Members of the opposition in the east African country have relentlessly been calling for the formation of an independent electoral commission— expressing fears the elections would probably take place in a climate of violence and intimidation.
Under the current setting, critics say the National Electoral Commission (NEC) is not independent since its commissioners are all appointed by the president.
For instance, in total disregard of the rule of law and principles of impartiality, NEC’s Director of Elections, Wilson Mahera has reportedly warned supporters of the opposition that they will see more police violence, bombing, and teargassing.
His remarks have infuriated the opposition.
“Threatening people with teargas for expressing their political opinions is no one’s idea of impartiality or rule of law. I simply confirm that we are watching and recording your intimidation or your own people on behalf of CCM,” said Robert Amsterdam a renowned international lawyer who represents Lissu.
Despite facing crippling huddles over the last five years, Tanzania opposition is proving resilient and still able to galvanize massive public support in what Lissu explains as strong grassroots support that was energized when political activities were banned.
While the opposition presidential candidate and his supporters are subjected to police brutality and intimidate, critics say their counterpart from CCM is campaigning freely and makes stop-overs to greet the people anywhere as he pleases.
“Nobody can stop us,” said Lissu amid thunderous applause from his supporters.
A flurry of oil and gas discoveries along Uganda’s western border has lured dozens of investors seeking to develop sub-Saharan Africa’s largest oil discovery in decades. However, renewed interest in the once-neglected Lake Albertine rift basin is also creating new problems—tilting the region’s energy needs towards fossil fuels, channeled through the world’s longest heated pipeline the East African Crude Oil Pipeline EACOP, which campaigners say is a big threat to the environment.
On a hilly slope in central Uganda, farmer Vicky Najjemba looks over her sprawling coffee plantation and house. She says she is being forced to vacate to pave way for the 900-mile pipeline project. After getting a solar power connection to her 3 bedroom house two years ago, Ms. Najjemba, a single mother, planned to raise her 4 children here. She now fears she may be forced to relocate with her family, even though her long-promised compensation of $7000 is yet to arrive.
“It’s very disappointing,” said the 37-year old mother, fighting back tears. “This is my ancestral land, why should I be pushed, the future looks so uncertain.”
Ms. Najemba is among the 12,000 families being forced off their land to pave way for the project. She expressed frustration at being told not to undertake any further activities on the land. Ms. Najjemba who struggles to feed her family will also likely lose her coffee farm, a situation she says risks pushing her to the brink.
The pipeline, which is expected to carry some 200,000 barrels-a-day of crude oil to the Tanzanian port of Tanga will require heating to 50 degrees Celsius because the oil is low in sulfur and will otherwise solidify in the pipe.
Magufuli and Museveni meet in Chato-Tanzania to sign Oil Pipeline Agreement. Credit: Presidential Press Unit
It will cross Lake Victoria, one of the world’s largest freshwater lakes, where an oil spill could prove disastrous for over 30 million people that rely on the lake’s watershed for drinking water and food production.
“Although Uganda has relatively low historical greenhouse gas emissions, for many reasons, no new fossil fuel project is justifiable,” said Deborah Ramalope, Head of climate policy at Climate Analytics a non-profit science and policy institute based in Germany. “Investments in fossil fuel have a high risk of locking it in emissions for many years”.
Uganda has attracted some of the largest investments in its oil industry over the past decade, with companies including Total, Tullow Oil and China’s Cnooc Ltd investing more than $ 4 billion in exploration activities that have resulted in the discovery of around 6 billion barrels of crude.
However, local authorities are struggling to contain mounting anger among local campaign groups, who accuse the Government of favoring international investors at the expense of residents, who have for generations inhabited the region.
Communities affected by the pipeline are already suffering as the project developers placed a cut-off date on their property in 2019, they stopped people from utilizing their land for new developments such as growing of perennial crops, setting up of houses and others. The developers’ actions resulted in the abuse of communities’ economic, cultural, and social rights. Developers denied the accusations.
A local leader tries to calm the pipeline affected people during a consultative meeting in Madudu-Mubende district, central Uganda. Credit: Civil Society Coalition on Oil and Gas (CSCO)
Sande Amanya, one of the affected people, a resident of Mubende district in central Uganda vows not to abandon his home and banana plantation unless he is fully compensated and relocated. Mr. Amanya, whose house is not connected to electricity or running water, relies on a nearby well for water.
“We were stopped from cultivating our fields within the pipeline path, it’s now 2 years and we have not received any payment, yet we are not using our properties,” he says.
“This whole thing is so destabilizing.”
Relocation and loss of land from the pipeline threaten the employment and livelihoods of tens of thousands of people.
A local natural resources officer of Mubende district, Vincent Kinene, fears that the project will interrupt access across villages because crisscrossing the pipeline route is not possible.
“Outside the long-promised jobs and hyped local transformation, there will likely be a spike in land and access related conflicts,” he says.
According to Kinene, the quoted mitigations in the Environmental and Social Impact report are generic and not locality specific. The lack of thoroughness at that stage is an indicator of spills to come.
While the government claims that oil developments will increase energy supply and lower the overall cost of power generation in Uganda, environmentalists are concerned about the colossal impact of oil developments on the environment. They say that since Uganda has a huge capacity of potential renewable energy that can be readily tapped into. So why turn to non-renewable fossil fuels?
“Government’s insistence on developing oil resources is coming at the expense of providing clean, affordable, and reliable energy options such as off grid solar,” says Dickens Kamugisha the executive director at Africa Institute for Energy Governance, a local Non-Governmental Organization spearheading the campaign to stop the project.
Instead of investing resources in off grid energy options that have the potential to meet the energy needs of the poorest, the government is spending money investing in oil, which will not guarantee access to clean, affordable, and reliable power.
Uganda meets more than 93% of its energy demand with biomass in form of charcoal and firewood, 6% with fossil fuel combustion, and only 1% with electricity from hydro and fossil-fuelled thermal power plants, according to statistics from the Ministry of Energy. The country currently imports all its petroleum-product requirements.
Only about 15% of the population has access to electricity, and in rural areas, it’s only 7%. Majority of the population continue to rely on wood fuel and charcoal. This has resulted in the depletion of the country’s forests and woodlands, and related health hazards. In the past 25 years, Uganda has lost 63% of its forest cover due to tree-cutting for firewood, timber and charcoal, according to the National Forest Authority. The loss of these fragile ecosystems not only has serious implications on Uganda’s biodiversity but also compromises the ability of the country to cope with the climate change.
Some activists believe that the pipeline project is not the best option for the country given its current development status. “Uganda should rather look for opportunities to diversify its economy by investing in clean energy projects which have the potential to generate multiple sustainable development benefits”, says Ramalope
Uganda’s energy sector has experienced an over-emphasis on Hydropower and petroleum as the most important energy assets overlooking other potential sources. This development path experts say is being driven by an appetite for large portfolio infrastructure projects that offer political mileage.
Overreliance on hydropower dams most of which are located along the River Nile has plunged Uganda into years of chronic electricity shortages, load shedding, high tariffs, and low levels of electricity penetration, especially in rural areas.
Effects of climate change, as well as environmental degradation, have continuously undermined the hydrology on River Nile, decimating the power generation capacity of the hydropower plants along the river, a situation that has brought about power supply shortages in the country.
It’s thus clear that an expanded and diversified range of renewable power sources is critical in solving the country’s energy needs.
Energy development in Uganda and environmental damage are intricately related. The energy sector has bigger environmental impacts than other economic sectors. Hence, energy investments in Uganda are subject to greater environmental scrutiny.
In 2006, Uganda confirmed the existence of commercially viable quantities of oil in the Albertine basin. According to the Petroleum Authority of Uganda, oil reserve estimates remain at 6 billion barrels. The international oil companies finalized the exploration phase and are now preparing to undertake the development phase, which will subsequently lead to the production in 2023. Output is expected to peak at 220,000 barrels-a-day of crude, Uganda consumes around 15,000 barrels-a-day of crude, the remainder will be exported.
The Government expects that the development of the oil and gas industry will accelerate economic growth, job creation, contribute to poverty eradication, and improve the general prosperity of Uganda.
Magufuli and Museveni meet in Chato-Tanzania to sign Oil Pipeline Agreement. Credit: Presidential Press Unit
Once produced, part of the crude oil will be refined in Uganda to supply the local market while the rest will be exported to the international market through the pipeline. The Uganda National Oil Company and the Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation will be shareholders in the pipeline which will be developed, constructed and operated by Total E&P Uganda B.V, Tullow Uganda Operations Pty Limited and CNOOC Uganda Limited.
In Uganda, the pipeline covers 296Km and traverses 10 districts, 22 sub-counties, 4 town councils, 41 parishes and an estimated 172 villages.
Robert Magori, Africa Communications Manager at 350.org, says environmentalists consider the pipeline a “disastrous project” because of the threat it poses to the environment, society and the associated economic risks.
“The international scientific community is telling us that the world cannot absorb any new fossil fuel developments if we are to tackle the climate crisis,” he says.
The emissions from burning the oil transported through the pipeline alone are estimated at 33 million tonnes of CO2 per year, according to 350.org.
According to a 2017 report by World Wildlife Fund, the pipeline project overlaps several wildlife habitats including 510 km of African Elephant Habitat, important biodiversity and natural habitats, water resources and marine coastal ecosystems. The pipeline will deliver oil to a port located in an area rich in mangroves and coral reef, as well as adjacent to two ecologically or biologically significant marine areas.
Proscovia Nabbanja, the chief executive officer of the state oil company, Uganda National Oil Company says that the government plans several initiatives to lessen the impact of the project on the environment.
“Sector players are really working hard to ensure they limit the impact on the environment.” She said, “Total, for example, introduced the cable less technology in the acquisition of seismic data because we are working in a National Park.”
Immense Clean Energy Potential
Uganda is richly endowed with renewable energy resources for clean energy production and the provision of energy services that are fairly distributed throughout the country.
According to Uganda’s renewable energy policy, the overall renewable energy power generation potential is estimated to be 5,300 MW. Hydro and biomass are considered to have the largest potential for electricity generation, enough to power the entire east African regions’ five nations, experts say.
Geothermal energy resources remain unexploited. So far, three potential areas all situated in western Uganda, in the western branch of the East African Rift Valley have been identified for detailed exploration. The three potential areas are Katwe-Kikorongo, Buranga and Kibiro. Based on recent assessments, they have all been ranked as potential targets for geothermal development with temperature levels that vary between 150 C° and 200 C° which is sufficient for electricity generation and for direct use in industry and agriculture.
The average solar radiation is 5.1 kWh/m 2/day and it is the renewable energy resource on the market with the highest adoption rate in Uganda. Existing solar data clearly indicates that Uganda’s position near the equator grants the country high solar energy resources throughout the year.
All this renewable energy potential therefore can be harnessed for diversification of Uganda’s energy sector which can contribute greatly to de-carbonizing the sector.
Uganda is signatory to the Paris agreement and according to Uganda’s Nationally Determined Contributions, the country has committed to a 22% emission cut on a business as usual basis by 2030 in a bid to mitigate and adapt to climate change and transit to a low-carbon climate-resilient economy.
Government hopes to do this by increasing renewable energy deployment and achieving a total of at least 3,200 MW renewable electricity generation capacities by 2030.
“Government should seek to promote investment in more sustainable energy options as opposed to rushing to commence oil projects which endanger our environment and people,” says Kamugisha. “Uganda has plenty of low-carbon energy options.”
This story was written as part of the Sustainable Energy for All fellowship, by Climate Tracker and Hivos.
Dar es Salaam, September 24 — A top Tanzanian lawyer and the former president of the Tanganyika Law Society (TLS)—a local bar association has been disbarred from practicing law in the East African country barely a day after she was kicked out by her law firm, in what critics term as politically motivated scheme to silence her.
“I have been permanently removed from the Roll of Advocates,” she announced on Twitter
The decision to ban her from practicing law was reached by the Advocates Commitee which sat at the country’s High Court Wednesday and found her to have breached the codes of ethics.
The 51-year-old lawyer, who was earlier this week sacked by IMMMA Advocates—a law firm she had helped to create, said her practicing number 848 had been plucked from the ledger of advocates.
“I will not be appealing the decision,” she said.
Corporate Reputation
The law firm, where Karume worked for more than a decade as a senior partner, sacked her on the grounds that she was tarnishing its corporate image and jeopardizing friendly business relations with clients.
The firm claimed it’s unhappy with Karume’s “political activism” on social media which, allegedly violates the legal code of ethics.
Sadock Magai, a managing partner at IMMMA Advocates told reporters that Karume’s political activism has injured the firm’s corporate reputation adding that she had grossly breached her partnership agreement with the firm known for its premier legal services across Africa.
Karume denied the allegations saying defending the rule of law and democracy has nothing to do with breach of ethics.
“If you defend the rule of law, democracy in a dictatorship you’re dubbed a “political activist” and terminated in breach of a deed of partnership by IMMMA a law firm that had no qualms flaunting a partner sitting as a minister in the ruling CCM government,” she said adding “Ethics are a rare commodity.”
Parting Ways
In a letter written to Karume, signed by Magai the law firm said it no longer wished to associate itself with her, adding that she will be duly compensated.
The outspoken lawyers had also been ordered to return the firm’s possessions.
“Two weeks ago, they (the firm) sent me a letter asking me to stop political activism or they will fire me. I told them I am a lawyer and it is my job to speak for the community,” said Karume defiantly.
Fearless Human Rights Defender
In a statement issued today, Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC)—a leading rights advocacy group said it’s “extremely shocked and deeply saddened” by the decision to ban Karume.
“She’s an ardent supporter of the rule of law and staunch defender of constitutionalism, democracy, and human rights in Tanzania.”
Advocate Karume, a granddaughter of the founding Zanzibar president, Abeid Amani Karume, is described by her supporters as an astute lawyer, with a razor-sharp legal mind and a bold temperament.
“Like a person of any other calling Fatma is always guided by her conscience and stick to the cardinal rules for lawyers,” reads THRDC statement in part.
Impeccable Legal Credentials
Karume has over the years, tirelessly worked to resolve many corporate, human rights, and public interest legal disputes.
Last year, Karume was indefinitely suspended by the High Court as an advocate on alleged ethical misconduct. However, campaigners still recognize her as a fearless human rights advocate.
Karume, whose office was in August 2017 fire-bombed by unknown assailants is the second female President of the Tanganyika Law Society.
She has more than twenty years of experience in civil and commercial litigation and specializes in civil litigation, arbitration, constitutional and administrative law.
Dar es Salaam — On a humid Monday afternoon, students are huddled in a classroom at the Confucius Institute at the University of Dar es Salaam, learning Mandarin.
They all repeat after their teacher in mandarin: “Where is the market?”
The ensuing echo pervades acoustics of the state-of-the-art classroom, decorated with posters scribbled in distinctive Chinese characters.
Their teacher, Xian Li, a 28–year-old expert from Dongbei University in China says today’s lesson is about visiting the market.
“I want them to read this sentence in Mandarin,” she says.
The US$ 2.4 million Institute equipped with lecture halls, multimedia facilities, and an Amphitheatre, built with the grant from the Chinese government has attracted many students.
China, Africa’s most important economic partner is already leaving a large cultural footprint across the continent with dozens of Confucius Institutes, striving to teach Mandarin to help young people eager to explore Chinese culture let alone securing competitive jobs in Chinese companies.
From Cape Town to Accra, to Dodoma, to Kampala, African governments are increasingly adopting Chinese language ostensibly to advance future prospects of the young generation.
At the Confucius Institute, visitors are greeted by a giant statue of the sixth-century Chinese philosopher.
The institute’s director, Prof. Zhang Xiozhen, sits at a desk decorated with the Chinese and Tanzania flags. His office walls are adorned with Chinese cultural drawings.
With more than 50 Confucius Institutes established across Africa, analysts say Mandarin is likely to challenge the ubiquity of European colonial languages in Africa notably English and French.
According to Ziozhen students who successfully complete their Mandarin classes often work in Chinese companies or get scholarships to study in China.
Diana Shayo, 21, a student in Li’s class said she has joined a course in Mandarin because she wants to study engineering in China.
Her friend Zulfa Abdulkadir, 22, says Mandarin will help her break the existing language barrier to explore the Chinese culture.
“I want to experience the Chinese culture and their way of life,” she told Ubuntu Times.
Despite being popular, Confucius institutes in Africa are increasingly criticized, with western governments branding them as tools for spreading Chinese propaganda.
As China’s influence continues to grow, African governments have positively embraced the idea of adding Mandarin in their schools’ curricula.
The Chinese language has been introduced in schools and in higher learning institutions in many African countries including South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda.
In South Africa, the government’s move to add Mandarin to the national school curriculum in 2015 evoked criticism with the country’s teachers’ union branding it a new form of colonialism.
At Zanaki Girls’ Secondary School in Dar es Salaam, students anxiously scribbling Chinese characters on flip charts, sing and recite poems.
“I love these characters, it’s interesting to write them,” said Sophia Mwenda.
In Dar es Salaam, Mandarin is being taught to people from all walks of life. Business executives, students, and graduates hunting for a job are quite eager to learn the language.
For many in Africa, China has become synonymous with economic success and the ability to speak Mandarin is seen as a stepping stone to other opportunities.
China’s much-noted economic progress has been accompanied by a steady expansion in its cultural and diplomatic influence globally. This growth in the so-called soft power is more apparent in Africa.
One of the toughest challenges the Chinese face as they strive to invest in Africa has been the cultural barrier and language challenges.
As ties between China and Africa grow not only in trade but also in people-to-people exchanges, the interest in Chinese language learning has grown among young people in Africa.
“If you’re committed to learn Chinese, the reward is obvious; this can give you an edge when entering the world of an economic powerhouse and exposing you to a new culture,” says Gao Wei, Cultural Counsellor at the Chinese Embassy in Dar es Salaam.
For Shayo and other students, the future is brighter; Mandarin is most likely to dominate the job market in most countries.
“Learning this language is an added advantage,” she says.
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania — Uganda and Tanzania have signed a multibillion dollars deal that officially kicks off the construction of a 1,445km pipeline to transport crude oil from the landlocked country to the port city of Tanga on the Indian Ocean.
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and his Tanzanian counterpart, John Magufuli on Sunday witnessed signing of the agreement to build what they claim as world’s longest oil pipeline stretching from the shores of lake Victoria to the Indian Ocean. The $3.5 billion pipeline, whose building starts in March 2021, is perceived as a milestone for the economies of the two countries.
Huge Crude Oil Treasure
Uganda discovered huge reserves of commercially viable crude oil in 2006. The landlocked country has approximately 6 billion barrels of oil and plans to bring some of it on stream by 2023-24 to vitalize its economy.
Speaking at the signing occasion President Museveni said citizens of Uganda and Tanzania will soon start to enjoy shared benefits of the crude oil resources.
“It’s good that we have now finalised the debate and negotiations about the discovered oil, the project has to take off with immediate effect to benefit people in both countries,” he said.
The move comes barely a week after the French energy giant—Total, a major investor in Uganda’s oil industry, struck a deal with Ugandan authorities by clearing administrative snags that were delaying implementation of the project.
“The conditions are set for the ramp-up of project activities and in particular, we will resume the land acquisition activities in Uganda while respecting the highest human rights standards,” Total Uganda said in a statement.
According to President Museveni, the investors will initially tap 6.5 billion barrels of crude oil, of which, 60 percent of the profit obtained will go to Tanzania and the remaining 40 percent will be for Uganda.
Displacement Of Communities
However, campaigners have raised eye brows on possible displacement of 12,000 families located along the corridor of the proposed pipeline and destruction of vital ecosystems in the vicinity.
Human rights activists say the multi-billion dollar investment could spell disaster for local people and trigger loss of land and livelihoods since it has it did not consider the concerns raised by thousands of farmers and pastoralists whose livelihoods will be at stake.
Campaigners said people fear that they would not receive a fair compensation urging the French energy giant and its partners to clear any obstacles on land valuation and compensation process.
Human Rights Concerns
A report on the Human Rights Impact Assessment; titled, ‘Empty Promises Down the Line: A human Rights Impact Assessment of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline’ published last week by Oxfam and other charities highlight several risks the project pose for communities located along the proposed pipeline corridor in Uganda and Tanzania.
Meanwhile Total welcomed some of the findings in the reports. “The project was designed with the overarching concern of minimizing and mitigating the impacts on local communities and in particular the need to relocate households,” the company said in a statement.
Salum Mnuna, Tanzania’s coordinator of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) said the company is on the verge of reaching similar agreement with Tanzania whose territory the pipeline will cross.
All Is Well
The company said it will consider the recommendations proposed in the report “Total welcomes and agrees with many of Oxfam’s suggestions and recommendations. Again, Total recognizes the value of the community-based approach taken to Oxfam in this assessment as it is complementary to the engagement and consultation with affected communities” the company said in a statement.
The company described the charity’s recommendations as “valuable and useful,” adding that it would take them as a basis to progress.
Dar es Salaam — Tanzania authorities have tightened restrictions on the media, political opposition, and organizations working to promote human rights—ushering in a climate of fear ahead of the October 28 general elections.
International advocacy group, the Human Rights Watch has released a chorus of criticism, accusing Tanzania government of repeatedly intimidating opposition politicians, and banning newspapers deemed critical, denying human rights groups the right to provide civic education and elections monitoring while blackmailing independent journalists from reporting the COVID-19 crisis.
Repressive Laws
Since coming to power in 2015, the government under President John Magufuli, has enacted and enforced tougher laws that campaigners say stifle civil liberties and basic rights to expression and association.
Such laws including the Cyber-crime Act of 2015 which severely restrict online communications, and effectively criminalizing social media content critical of the government.
The government has also toughened the Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content) Regulations, ostensibly to punish online users who publish content likely to violate public order, or those organizing demonstrations, or promoting hatred or racism.
Oryem Nyeko, African researcher at Human Rights Watch said Tanzania’s government move to repress civil liberties, raise doubts about the elections being free and fair.
“All of the actions that the government has taken, affect conditions for a fair electoral playing field,” Nyeko said.
For the elections to be free and fair, he added, Tanzania’s authorities should allow political opposition to express their views and rights group and the media to work freely.
The government has also adopted tougher regulations officially banning local TV and Radio stations from airing foreign-produced contents without approval.
Independent Voice Blackmail
Early in July, Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA)—the state-run communications watchdog banned Kwanza TV, an online television station for allegedly airing a biased report on COVID-19.
Campaigners accuse the government of intimidating independent journalists, forcing them to refrain from covering the opposition’s campaign rallies notably the main opposition party Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA), whose Presidential candidate, Tundu Lissu miraculously survived a politically-motivated assassination attempt in which he was shot 16 times in 2017.
“Citizens must not sit idly while their hopes, dreams, and rights are eviscerated by a political party determined to stay in power at any cost,” tweeted Robert Amsterdam, an international lawyer representing Lissu.
Electoral Observation
Meanwhile, the Tanzania’s National Electoral Commission (NEC), has banned key advocacy groups including the Tanzania Human Rights Defender Coalition (THRDC) from providing voters’ education ahead of the election.
Onesmo Ole Ngurumwa, THRDC, National Coordinator believes the move is irrational and out of fear, given their solid track record to carry out their duties professionally and objectively.
“More active NGOs have been excluded because of this fear” Ole Ngurumwa told Ubuntu Times.
Ole Ngurumwa, who was briefly arrested last month for failure to submit THRDC agreements with its donors, said the organization has suspended its operations after authorities froze its bank accounts, pending investigation on alleged money laundering.
Nairobi, September 3 — The recent diplomatic tiff between Kenya and its neighbor, Tanzania is likely to spell doom for the East African Community (EAC) and by extension the highly ambitious African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) which was entered into force on May 30, 2019, after 22 African countries had deposited ratification instruments.
Experts say the dispute helps put into perspective the enormous challenges awaiting African states in their attempt to eliminate trade barriers under AfCFTA.
While promoting intra-African trade and integrating the African market towards making the continent a strategic player in global trade and policy, an argument has been raised as to why African politicians are not showing leadership for this to succeed.
Closer home, the East African Community, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, and Ethiopia have ratified AfCFTA while Tanzania and the EAC’s lone ranger, Burundi are yet to ratify.
The Kenya-Tanzania border trade disputes following Corona fears exposes African political leaders as the weak link in promoting African integration.
“The route cause of the diplomatic row between Kenya and Tanzania lies in the history of how the old EAC split and who was left with what sorts of assets and those undertones still exists. These can be wiped out if our political leaders take an initiative to focus people’s eyes on the current structure,” Waturi Matu, coordinator of the East Africa Federation of Tourism told Ubuntu Times.
When the EAC broke, it was necessary to create some sort of cooperation on how both countries would cooperate because like in tourism, they share an ecosystem and mutual plans, which gave rise to the 1985 bilateral agreement
When the new EAC was created and the East Africa treaty was signed and the common market protocol came into being, Matu says Kenya stopped following the 1985 bilateral agreement to the later.
“Until about July 2013, the sectoral council directed Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda to meet and iron their issues around free movement of services. Kenya and Uganda were quickly able to agree that the issue that was pending was how to allow foreign vehicles to enter national parks,” says Matu.
As at February last year, both countries agreed at a meeting to go back and implement the bilateral agreement. However, one party had not recognized what impact this would have on the tourism operation, which includes close access to the national parks and attractions such as the airport.
Following fears of COVID-19 cross-border transmission between Kenya and Tanzania, Kenya maintained that long-distance truck drivers must be subjected to COVID-19 test before being allowed entry into Kenya.
This was after Kenya identified Kenya-Tanzania and Kenya-Somalia borders as hotpots for Coronavirus. Tanzania authorities would then swiftly retaliate by restricting movement between the Kenya-Tanzania border by forbidding all automobiles and persons from Kenya.
In July during his tenth State address, President Uhuru Kenyatta said countries not making public their COVID-19 data does not mean they were doing better in handling the pandemic. He asked Kenyans not to take the virus lightly adding that Kenya is a democratic society and must conduct its business in the open.
“The fact that countries don’t report what happens in their countries does not mean they are fine, we are an open society and we have to tell our stories,” he said.
It is a statement that appeared to hit at neighboring Tanzania as it was not making public its COVID-19 cases.
In what is viewed as reciprocation, Tanzanian aviation authority redirected a plane carrying Kenya’s envoy to the late former Tanzanian president Benjamin Mkapa mid-air on grounds that the weather was bad.
In June, Tanzania President John Mugufuli suggested that Tanzania was free of COVID-19 as God had ‘answered their prayers.’
Magufuli’s directive came a few days after he skipped the video-conference between East Africa Community head of states and government on May 12. Present in the virtual meeting were Presidents Kenyatta (Kenya), Museveni (Uganda), Kagame (Rwanda), and Salva Kiir (South Sudan) with Magufuli (Tanzania) and former Burundi’s president the late Pierre Nkurunziza, missing.
According to the EAC, the consultative video conference was meant to assess the development of COVID-19 in the region in a bid to develop a regional approach.
When Tanzanian authorities burned 6,400 poultry allegedly imported illegally and imposed a 25 percent import duty on Kenyan confectionery in 2017 and 2018 respectively, Kenya on the other hand banned Tanzanian tour vans from accessing Maasai Mara National Reserve.
In the latest heightened and deepening row, Tanzania moved swiftly and banned Kenya Airways flights “on a reciprocal basis” after Kenya decided against including Tanzania in a list of countries whose passengers would be permitted to enter Kenya when commercial flights resumed on 1 August.
If successful and fully implemented, AfCFTA will create a single market for its population of about 1.3 billion, perhaps the best for Africans since breaking colonial chains and catapulting Africa into the leagues of China and India in terms of market.
Dar es Salaam — Low-income female entrepreneurs, whose Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) suffered losses after the outbreak of the Coronavirus pandemic are being equipped with financial literacy skills to absolve their businesses from COVID-19 economic ravages.
Women working in the informal sector are among the most marginalized and underutilized citizens in Sub-Sahara Africa who are less likely to have access to training and credits even though they are the main caregivers of many households. They face a myriad of challenges due to a lack of business and financial literacy skills.
In an effort to cushion women-led businesses from the impacts of COVID-19 Equality For Growth(EfG)—a local charity working to empower women economically recently organized gender-sensitive training course to help low-income women protect their businesses in a crisis.
“This training is aiming to equip businesswomen with essential financial literacy skills so that they can budget, plan and live within their means,” said Jane Magigita, EfG Managing Director.
EfG strives to empower women working in Tanzania’s informal sector, to fight poverty through access to financial legal and human rights education. The firm envisions removing exploitation, gender bias, legal and economic barriers.
According to Magigita, the training entailed intensive courses such as book-keeping, how to prepare a business plan, budget, and how to manage their businesses during crisis all of which are designed to develop women’s financial skills and capabilities.
As businesses in the east African country are still wobbling in dire economic uncertainties, financial education is proving essential to ensure recovery and survival of women-led ventures.
“One of the most critical pathways to empower women is to give them the opportunity to learn financial literacy skills to positively change their attitudes and behavior towards money,” said Magigita.
While poor knowledge on financial matters among women is not a new phenomenon, observers say such training opportunities are vital to avert future crises.
“When the Coronavirus crisis struck, most women in the informal sector were caught off guard, worse still they didn’t know what to do to protect their businesses,” said Margareth Chacha, former Managing Director of Tanzania Women’s Bank.
According to her women’s economic empowerment increases economic diversification, boosts productivity, and bridges yawning income inequality with men.
Chacha applauded a recent move by Tanzania’s central bank to temporarily increase mobile money transaction limits and waive the fees during the crisis to ease the burden on women-led businesses.
Meanwhile, Magigita called upon banks and other financial institutions to momentarily defer loan repayments for women-led SMEs whenever a crisis strikes.
Magigita hailed how technology was shaping responses to the Coronavirus pandemic, especially the role that digital financial services played to salvage businesses in the country.
“Digital Financial Services play a significant role in stimulating financial inclusion for low-income women groups,” she said.
While women entrepreneurs are increasingly recognized as key drivers of economic growth, many of them are wobbling in financial doldrums that prevent them from sustaining their businesses.
The trainers also taught women to solve the challenges they face when trying to secure bank loans.
Although the informal sector constitutes a vibrant economic force in the east African country, officials say most small businesses die within the first year of operation.
In Tanzania the informal sector is made up of roughly 3 million businesses which provide approximately 48 percent of the GDP and 36 percent of the total employment, official government data show.
Asha Shababu (27) a trader at Tandika market in Dar es Salaam who attended the training said it has helped her to understand the importance of balancing her stock before the start of each business day.
She routinely tallies additions and deductions and jots the figure down on a handwritten ledger.
“I barely kept my sales record before,” Shabani said of her previous approach to run her business. “I have now realized every penny has to be accounted for.”
Dar es Salaam — It’s busy Sunday evening at Shekilango road, a bustling neighborhood in Dar es Salaam dotted with bars and nightclubs that can be likened to Bourbon Street at New Orleans, Louisiana in the United States.
Dozens of young female customers in dazzling outfits are huddling at a smoke-belching kitchen, placing their orders to the wide-eyed chef.
A Chef at Kibo Bar slices pieces of pork for his customers. Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times
BREAKING THE TRADITION
Unlike in conventional restaurants, Kitimoto customers proceed directly to the kitchen to place their orders and select the portions of raw meat, unsteadily hanging on a metal holder.
The knife-brandishing chef in a white apron then slices the portions, weighs it on the scale, and starts the preparation for cooking.
The meat is then anointed with a number of spices including soy sauce, vinegar, pepper, and ginger, and placed on a hot grill for comfortable slow cooking or tossed in hot oil.
“Most customers prefer extra juicy meat mixed with plantain (green bananas) and vegetable salad aside,” said Justine Mrosso, a cook at JJ bar in Dar es Salaam.
A loud music play as revellers sitting on a maze of wooden stalls guzzle rounds of a top-selling Serengeti light beer while watching portions of their pork sizzling on a grill. A gush of aromatic steam wafts a loudly chattering customers anxiously wait for a savory tasty meat.
HOW TO MAKE IT TASTY
Kitimoto—Swahili word literary meaning unbearably “hot seat” refers to spicy and fastidiously grilled pork chops that local chefs leave them sizzling on a slow-cooking charcoal grill or deep fry them in hot oil. The pork chops are often slathered in succulent vegetable stew containing tomatoes, onions, and green peppers.
Despite its popularity, you can hardly find Kitimoto conspicuously displayed on menus of conventional restaurants in the port city of Dar es Salaam. To enjoy this delicacy, a customer has to go to the streets and get right into the kitchen.
“We are a civilized community, the fact that one’s religion does not allow feasting on pork does not mean everybody should avoid eating it. You must do your best to enjoy your food without offending anyone, that’s why we come straight to the kitchen,” said Caesar Malleo, a Kitomoto customer.
ORIGIN AND POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE
Apparently nobody knows, how the word Kitimoto was ascribed to sumptuous pork dish. According to some unsubstantiated claims, some people whose religious beliefs strictly prohibit pork eating, they found it irresistible, wore cloak and sneak into the kitchen, frantically placing their order and eat the meat while nervously seated on their “hot seat” avoiding to see someone they know.
Kitimoto meat is also linked to a foiled political turmoil in 1993 when Muslim religious fundamentalists torched pig slaughterhouses and restaurant serving pork claiming eating pork contradicted their religious beliefs.
A Chef preparing the meat before placing it on a hot grill. Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times
LIBERALIZING SOCIAL VALUES
Under the leadership of President Ali Hassan Mwinyi, who reversed failed socialist policies under the country’s founding leader Julius Nyerere in the 1980s, import restrictions were relaxed and private enterprises encouraged.
President Mwinyi also known as Mzee Ruksa meaning (everything is allowed) is hailed for liberalizing morals, beliefs, values, and the economy without necessarily breaking the law.
President Mwinyi, a devout Muslim, strongly criticized die-hard Islamic radicals who set ablaze the butcheries insisting that Tanzania was a free country and that people were free to eat anything as long as they don’t break the law.
Payment is made depending on the weight of the portion. Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times
At Kibo Bar and Restaurant located at Bahari Beach area in the outskirts of Dar es Salaam, every customer has a story to tell about their experience eating a lovely moist, evenly cooked roast pork surrounded by sharp crackling crisp.
“It’s very delicious, I feel like coming here every day to enjoy this delicacy,” said Ester Timbuka, a resident of Dar es Salaam.
“Cooking a perfect roast pork is easy once you know the right tricks,” said John Mrema a chef at Kibo bar.
Mrema, a seasoned chef with more than two decades experience, slices a spare rib to remove a blade bone, rolls and ties the meat to a neater joint.
Pictures and code names are used to grab the attention of customers. Kizito Makoye / Ubuntu Times
“Most customers don’t realize portion surrounding the head of the pig is usually more succulent because of a reasonable layer of unsaturated fat underneath,” he said.
From the tenderloin to the leg and belly, Mrema knows how to roast fresh-looking pork to perfection to the satisfaction of a legion of his customers.
“Although many customers avoid joints with fat, it adds flavor. You don’t have to eat the fat unless you want to,” he said.
According to Mrema making delicious and perfect pork portions requires experience and a cooking technique that not every chef knows.
An important part of cooking any meat is to let it rest after it’s removed from the oven, he said adding “Once cooked, remove the pork from the roasting tin and place it onto a serving plate.”
While there are many theories about the origin of the name, nobody knows for sure how it started.
To avoid unnecessary tension, street kitchens ascribed Swahili code names such as Mbuzi Katoliki (catholic goat) Mdudu (Insect) Mnyama (animal) apparently to avoid offending the Islamic community.
Timbuka said unlike beef, pork is lean, succulent, and irresistibly tasty.
“I usually place my order and tell the chef to serve it with Ugali (maize meal) and local salad,” she said.
Depending on the place, a kilo of roast pork fetches between 12,000 to 15,000 Tanzanian shillings.
Dar es Salaam, June 25 — The United States has expressed concern over recent actions by the government of Tanzania to revoke media license of an opposition party newspaper it accuses of publishing false information flouting the country’s laws and violating journalism ethics.
Tanzania Daima—a popular Swahili tabloid known for its razor-sharp scathing reports was effectively banned on 24th June by the government’s director of Information, who doubles as Registrar of Newspapers for allegedly, repeatedly flouting national laws in its reportage.
A statement issued by the Embassy of the United States in Dar es Salaam Thursday said the newspaper ban is part of actions to stifle democratic norms in the East African country, which follows a worrying pattern of intimidation of the opposition members, civil society, and media outlets.
“The right to…freedom of expression are enshrined in the Tanzanian constitution, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The U.S Embassy proudly supports freedom of expression and inclusive political participation in all formats,” the embassy said in a statement.
Since 2015, Tanzania has seen a sharp decline in respect for basic freedoms of expression and association, undermining both media freedom and civil society, campaigners said.
The government has enacted tougher laws that repress independent reporting and restrict the works of the media and non-governmental organizations.
Campaigners are increasingly concerned with the on-going crackdown on freedom of expression in Tanzania, urging the government to uphold those rights which are deeply embedded in the constitution.
Human Rights Watch—a global charity working to defend rights and secure justice worldwide described Tanzania’s newspaper ban as a gesture of intolerance to free expression
Since the enactment of the Media Services Act in 2016, several newspapers in Tanzania, including Mwananchi, The Citizen, Mawio, Mseto, Tanzania Daima, and Nipashe, have been subjected to various punishments including fines, ban and cancellation of publishing licenses.
The government claimed that Tanzania Daima newspaper was repeatedly warned to refrain from publishing inflammatory reports but it ignored the warnings.
Martin Malera, the newspaper editor said they had been questioned by the government when they published a story in which a cleric called upon the opposition to demand a free electoral commission.
In two separate reports issued last year, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International said repression of the Media, human rights defenders and opposition politicians in Tanzania intensified in 2015.
Both reports found that the government has adopted harsher laws that stifle independent journalism and severely curbing the activities of non-governmental organizations.
Since then newspapers and radio stations have been banned or suspended for contents deemed critical, Human Rights Watch said.
Authorities have repeatedly used the 2015 Cyber Crime Act to prosecute journalists and activists for social media posts, the charity said.
Meanwhile the Media Council of Tanzania—has expressed shock over the newspaper ban, saying it will further curtail media freedom in the coming general elections.
“This decision puts the country in a bad light and casts doubt on level playing field, especially because…the paper was known to stand for alternative views,” said Kajubi Mukajanga, the Secretary-General of the Media Council of Tanzania.
According to him, the Media Services Act of 2016, is a bad law since it gives the government-appointed registrar the whim to complain, prosecute, and deliver a verdict on its own cases.
“The law provides an aggrieved party whose license has been revoked to re-apply for the license to the same authority that revoked it,” Mukajanga said in a statement.
Mukajanga said revoking the newspaper’s license, would deny the workers income thus affecting their livelihoods.
MANYARA — The tolling of the afternoon bell marks the end of lessons at Babati Day Secondary School in Tanzania’s northern Manyara region.
It ushers in a moment of joy for the students in neatly pressed uniforms, who anxiously line up to get their meal.
Drizzled with sweat, a middle-aged cook, in fluttering green apron, is cloistered in a smoke-belching kitchen. He quickly dishes out portions of pigeon pea stew with rice.
Besides traditional Ugali (maize meal) and beans, the students are now treated with healthy recipes, thanks to the Smart Foods Initiative launched to improve nutrition and boost incomes.
Meanwhile, about 102km away, in the wind-swept Kondoa Township nestled on the central plateau, John Gwandu is busy chopping onions, anointing them with crushed ginger and toss them in boiling oil while briskly stirring with a giant cooking stick.
A gush of steam wafts as he hurls freshly boiled pigeon peas into the sizzling onions to make a thick stew.
“Pigeon pea is simple to cook and tastier,” says Gwandu adding “It is faster to cook than beans.”
Students at Babati Day Secondary School taking part in a group discussion. Credit: ICRISAT
The 43-year-old chef, at Amani Abeid Karume Secondary School in a drought-hit Kondoa district, in Dodoma, has just received training to prepare Smart Food Recipes, widely considered healthy and cost-effective.
As part of its broader initiative to improve nutrition and promote consumption of neglected crops including pigeon pea and finger millet, Tanzania government recently authorized researchers to test palatability and acceptability of the legumes.
Pigeon pea is the third-largest food legume grown in Tanzania after beans and groundnuts. The country produces approximately 200,000 metric tons, most of which is exported to India as whole grain.
However, due to India’s 2017 restrictions on Pigeon pea importation, farmers were left with huge surplus harvests which are now purchased by the schools.
A study conducted by the International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics (ICRISAT) — a non-profit agriculture research organization supported by many entities that include multiple governments, 80 and 70 percent of Tanzanian students changed their negative attitudes on pigeon pea and finger millet crops.
Dubbed “Participatory approach by involving adolescent school children in evaluating smart food dishes in school feeding programmes—real-time experience from central and northern Tanzania,” the study tested the acceptance of, pigeon pea and finger millet-based meals in a school feeding programs through training sessions on the nutritional quality and the crops’ sensory characteristics.
The study reveals, majority of the students wanted pigeon pea to be included in their meals multiple times and 80 percent of them wanted to eat meals based on finger millet all the days.
A Chef serving finger millet porridge to students at Dareda Secondary School as hot steam wafts from the pot. Credit: ICRISAT
During the research, a total of 2,822 students in four schools were fed improved meals including Pigeon pea and finger millet besides traditional maize and beans dishes.
The schools’ cooks had been trained by professional chefs and district nutritionists to make new recipes including finger millet porridge and pigeon pea stew slathered in groundnut or coconut cream.
SMART FOODS INITIATIVE
Anitha Seetha, a senior scientist and nutritionist at ICRISAT tells Ubuntu Times that dietary diversity is key to ensure the intake of nutritious foods, although it is only possible if there is crop diversity.
“Dietary diversity is not just eating different foods. It is eating different foods to meet nutrition goals,” she says.
According to her creating crop diversity alone does not guarantee dietary diversity since food perception and preferences influence consumption patterns.
Seetha said the Smart Food initiative strives to change behaviors and ensuring that the cycle of crop diversity and dietary diversity hinges on nutrition.
She said that enriching the nutritional quality of food can help in addressing hidden hunger problems in sub-Sahara Africa, adding that finger millet and pigeon pea enrich the meal due to their rich protein and micronutrients.
AWARENESS RAISING
The study has helped raise awareness on nutrition and changed students’ negative attitudes on healthy foods.
“Unless there is dietary diversity already in practice we cannot assume everything produced is consumed,” Seetha said.
During the baseline survey, the schools followed a weekly cyclical meal pattern with fixed menu specially designed by nutritionists to meet the students’ palatability.
To create nutritional diversity researchers formulated new recipes to complement traditional maize and beans dishes.
SENSORY TESTING
During the cooking exercise, the recipes were tasted for their palatability and acceptance among children, so that changes could be made in their cooking to conform to their traditional culinary culture
A total of 681 randomly selected students participated in sensory evaluation exercise entailing five hedonic scales with relevant emoji pictures to capture the students “likes” or “dislike” of the newly introduced recipes.
Most students initially disliked pigeon pea and finger millet based on myth that it was bitter and smelling bad, unpalatable and not tasty, researchers said.
The finding, however, suggested that pigeon pea-based meals had higher acceptance among the students participating in the exercise.
Including pigeon pea and finger millet in school diets infuses crop diversity in school feeding programs and also improves nutritional content of the meals while saving costs, researchers said.
Pigeon pea grows in various agro-ecological zones and is well adapted to dry climate conditions.
Delicious Pigeon pea stew being cooked by trained chefs. Credit: ICRISAT
In sub-Sahara Africa it is widely grown in Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, Malawi, and Mozambique.
Amid worsening impacts of climate change, analysts say the crop has the potential to boost nutrition and improve food security.
Researchers said most families in study areas, initially shunned pigeon pea dishes because they thought it smells bad, bitter, and wasn’t good for mental health.
However, with the introduction of Smart Food Recipes, the people’s mindset is changing.
“When I didn’t add pigeon pea in the dish, the children used to wonder why I didn’t and ask me for it,” said Gwandu.
Including pulses in children’s meals has helped the schools to cut costs and triggered students taste buds saying smart meals are tastier and they would love to eat them daily.
Local chefs, moreover said cooking pigeon peas is easy, saves time and fuel as compared to beans which takes a long time.
A girl enjoying a meal at Bukulu Secondary School. Credit: ICRISAT
Some teachers say the students like the new recipes including Makande (Maize and pigeon pea stew) so much that they become upset whenever they miss it.
Zawadi Kapinga, the Headmistress of Babati Day Secondary School was not sure if the children would love exotic recipes but was simply amazed by their insatiable appetite for the meals.
“When pigeon pea is not on the day’s menu, children ask for it,” she said.
Swapping maize and beans based meals with pigeon pea, helped the school save costs from approximately 99,388 to 19,800 Tanzanian shillings per meal depending on number of students and amount of food they ate before the intervention, the study finds.
The project, which was supported by Tanzania’s Prime Minister’s office, serves as a model to promote Smart Foods to be replicated to other countries with similar nutritional situation and dietary patterns with the aim to improve dietary diversity and nutritional status and create market opportunities for local farmers.
In Tanzania, pigeon pea was until recently exported since traditionally people eat beans to get protein.
Dar es Salaam, June 24 — A prominent Tanzanian opposition leader, Zitto Kabwe, and seven members of his party have been arrested after the police accused them of holding unlawful political meeting, in what appears to be on-going repression of political activities ahead of the October general elections, his party said.
Kabwe and his colleagues spent a night in police custody and were being quizzed for organizing and taking part in “unlawful” assembly, during the party’s internal meeting in Kilwa District, Lindi Region south of Tanzania.
Dorothy, Semu, vice-chair of the Wazalendo Alliance for Change and Transparency (ACT Wazalendo) — a fast-growing opposition party in Tanzania described the arrests as an act of “repression” and attempted “intimidation.”
“This is yet another naked attempt by the…government to intimidate and remove electoral competition, they are clearly quite fearful of,” she said in a statement.
The latest arrests come barely weeks after the leader of Tanzania’s main opposition party-CHADEMA, Freeman Mbowe, was assaulted by unknown assailants at his home in the capital city Dodoma.
President John Magufuli, who has launched his re-election bid for a second and final term, is widely perceived as an authoritarian leader.
Since he took office in November 2015, the state has enacted and enforced a number of repressive laws, thus bringing a chilling effect on the rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly, campaigners said.
In July 2016 the country’s civic space rapidly shrunk after the president announced a blanket ban on political activities until 2020.
The ban, which lawyers said has no legal basis, had been selectively instituted to restrict political activities of the opposition.
A month ago, Kabwe was found guilty for sedition and incitement, after the court indicted him for falsely claiming that about 100 people had been killed at his home region in 2018 on clashes involving herders and the police.
He was, however, acquitted on condition that he stops making statements deemed seditious for one year.
“Today’s events are a clear example of the police being used by the CCM party to stop legitimate activities of the opposition party and file trumped-up charges against leaders and members,” Temu said.
She urged the police force to discharge its duties impartially in accordance with the law by focussing on its core mandate of protecting people and their property.
“We stand in solidarity with our leader and colleagues and will do everything in our power to secure their release and acquittal,” she stressed.
A fortnight ago, the ACT-Wazalendo’s party chairman, Seif Sharif Hamad accused the government of abusing the country’s law enforcement organs, in favor of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party, thus casting doubt whether the forthcoming polls will be free and fair.
“We now call for the charges to be dropped completely. The arrests were unlawful and an attempt to disrupt the legitimate actions of a political party,” he said.
The government denied the allegations.
Last year, Tanzania’s parliament amended the Political Parties Act, ushering in a wide-ranging restriction on the right to freedom of association and peaceful assembly.
The amendments, among others, give the government’s appointed registrar of political parties sweeping powers to deregister parties, demand information from political parties, and suspend party members.
It also introduces a requirement for organizations and individuals to get approval before conducting civic education.
Amnesty International—a global charity campaigning for human rights said the latest arrests of Kabwe and his colleagues is part of a vicious trend to silence opposition leaders and government critics.
“Coming barely three months before Tanzania goes to the polls, these arrests are a calculated move to harass and intimidate the opposition and critics ahead of elections, restrict their human rights and limit their campaigning,” said Seif Magango, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.
The charity condemned Tanzania’s authorities for intimidating the opposition urging them to respect human rights.
Dar es Salaam, June 17 — Despite a looming threat of the Coronavirus pandemic in East Africa, Tanzania President, John Magufuli has ordered reopening of all schools across the country at the end of June.
In his speech to dissolve the parliament, in the capital city Dodoma, ahead of the October 25th general election, President Magufuli said the trend shows Coronavirus outbreak is drastically declining.
“Because the trend shows Coronavirus is rapidly declining, I would like to announce that effectively Monday, 29th June, all schools should be opened, however, Tanzanians should continue to take precaution,” he said.
President Magufuli, who has today officially launched his re-election bid when he collected his nomination forms, has also authorized social activities such as weddings to continue unabated.
The announcement comes barely a day after the Prime Minister, Kassim Majaliwa, told the parliament on Monday, there are 66 coronavirus patients currently hospitalized in 10 regions across Tanzania. He did not elaborate on whether or not those are new cases.
Tanzania stopped publishing Coronavirus statistics on April 29, after the president suspected defective test kits that provided wrong “positive” results.
Amid cheers from a legion of legislators from his ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party, President Magufuli said there’s no need to keep schools closed while Coronavirus cases have drastically dropped.
Tanzania has become the first country in the East African region to allow students back to school, weeks after the president ordered reopening of universities and other higher learning institutions.
The East African country confirmed 509 COVID-19 cases, with 21 deaths, 183 recoveries, and 305 active cases when it halted its daily tally on 29 April 2020.
Speaking during an occasion with teachers recently, President Magufuli declared victory against the disease, saying the Coronavirus has been eliminated, thanks to God.
“I want to thank Tanzanians of all faiths. We have been praying and fasting for God to save us from the pandemic that has afflicted our country and the world. But God has answered us,” he recently said in a chapel amid thunderous applause and ululations from the congregants.
The World Health Organisation (WHO), however, expressed deep concern on the manner in which Tanzania handled the Coronavirus pandemic.
Critics said the country’s refusal to institute strict measures especially in Dar es Salaam, which, at the time was becoming an epicenter of the outbreak, on the grounds that such measures would hurt the economy, hinged on a dangerous moral trade-off that ignores the right to life.
The U.S embassy has incessantly issued Health Alerts, warning its citizen to exercise great care when in Dar es Salaam—Tanzania’s largest commercial city to avoid contracting the disease.
President Magufuli, a devout catholic, recently praised worshipers and priests in a chapel, for not wearing facial masks during a Sunday service, stressing the health crisis was being exaggerated beyond proportions.
Joyce Ndalichako, Minister for Education Science and Technology, has issued schedules for lessons and examinations, which suggest, the students will face an uphill struggle to accomplish the syllabuses within a short time frame.
As a short-term strategy to offset academic time wasted during COVID-19 break, the minister instructed schools to add two additional class hours.
While some private schools adopted new modality for learning such as high-tech virtual learning and online classes, evidence show majority of pupils in public schools remained at home without any means for learning.
The government move to open schools has been received with mixed feelings among parents and teachers.
“I think it is a good move, we need to take precaution, students should wear facial masks and go on with their lessons” said Salima Abdul, whose 11 years old daughter studies at Ununio Primary School in Dar es Salaam.
The final orange-hued rays had appeared on the skyline, which went through the clouds and the prodigious sky was easily visible. And now, the hot bowl had gently come out of its abode across the brilliant orange horizon and glimmered in the sky, just above the tangerine Kenya-Tanzania border hills.
The time is 9:27 AM. A silhouette feeble figure, walking with a cane and draped in green Maasai regalia warily crosses the international beacon-marked border, from Tanzania to Kenya, at the Olposumoru border Point in Narok County, Kenya, headed for a donkey forum at the Chief’s camp just a stone throw away. He looks as though a puff of wind could blow him down.
When he was within sight, the old man’s deep wrinkles seemed to carve a map of his life on his still agile and mobile facial features. With each movement, there was the creak of old bones, hand tremor, and constant waggling and bobbing of the head. Mzee (loosely translated to mean ‘male elder’) Ezekiel Morintat, as we would later learn of his name, had a fringe of grey-white hair around his balding, mottled scalp and a back slightly hunched.
After joining the meeting and exchanging normal pleasantries with fellow donkey owners, he quietly latched his seemingly tired body frame on a stone’s slab facing the direction to which he had come.
Beacons showing the International border between Kenya and Tanzania at Olposumoru, Narok County, Kenya. Credit: Africa Network for Animal Welfare (ANAW)
Fifteen minutes later, Julius Lekoole, the Olposumoru area chief called the meeting to order. With the help of a Maasai translator, he introduces Africa Network for Animal Welfare (ANAW) Staff and their mission to this sleepy and almost forgotten corner of East Africa’s economic powerhouse. When the 27 donkey consultative meeting attendees learn that ANAW staff members are there to discuss the impact of illegal cross-border movement and trade of donkeys and to partner with the community in seeking ways of stopping the prevailing rampant donkey theft, the initial disquiet mood of the meeting suddenly lightens up, and nods multiply.
Eerie silence ensues before the next person shares his or her experience. They painfully absorb and swallow hard as harrowing narratives of donkey loss are shared. Before 2016, when wanton donkey theft visited their village at the border, many of them were keeping an average of 20-70 donkeys per household. Life changed so dramatically when the Kenyan government allowed commercial slaughter and export of donkeys. They all agree that is when their donkeys started missing and could not find them even after reporting the theft cases to the area chief, who jiggled his head in agreement. They learned that their stolen donkeys were being slaughtered in Naivasha’s Star Brilliant Donkey abattoir and wanted ANAW to help them ‘talk’ to the government to close the donkey slaughterhouses so that they may keep their remaining few donkeys.
Towards the end of the meeting, we notice Mzee Morintat who had introduced himself as a Tanzanian once-a-donkey owner, residing not far from the border had not uttered a word. All through the discussions, his expression was of frustration and fatigue. The world seemed no place for him; he had had enough. He seemed to have had stories to tell, experience danced on his lips like a curious child. And yet he stayed silent, those listless eyes just watching, not telling. His not-so-good memories haunted him, sometimes drawing a tear.
The chief gestured to him to share his story. After clearing his throat, the wizened old man described his life, and we were instantly transported to another place and time. His voice was slow, and he stumbled on his words at times. Sometimes, he was overtaken by emotions that had been buried for years and he would have to pause.
Makeshift police post at the Kenya-Tanzania border in Olposumoru, Narok County, Kenya. This was one of the alleged routes where stolen donkeys passed through from Tanzania to Kenya. Credit: Africa Network for Animal Welfare (ANAW)
“The manyatta where our seven families have stayed for more than four decades had 600 donkeys before 2016. Now we have only eight remaining. We have sold none; all of them stolen at night, and we have not recovered any.” Mzee pauses and continues after whisking a fly away from his weary eyes. “My family has no donkey currently, and yet we had 48 donkeys before 2016. The first batch of 29 donkeys were stolen in March 2017 and the remaining taken away by December of the same year.” He looks down, with his left gnarled hand supporting his stubbled chin and leaning on his walking cane, by his right hand.
His eyes were so heavily lidded and weighed down with wrinkled folds that it was almost like talking to someone asleep, yet he was quite alert.He looked up and in unexpected crescendo said, “Those donkeys were our lives. We drank water because of them. We ate because of them. We moved because of them. They were part of our family. We bewail their disappearance. Life has been hard for my family. At times we sleep hungry. Children sometimes miss school. My wives are now the donkeys themselves…”
With those words, Mzee staggeringly rose. His eyes were wet. Amid difficulty, he started out for the border point, from where he had come. After three steps he abruptly stopped and turned around to face the gathering. Looking directly at ANAW staff he firmly said, “If you can, ask Kenyan government to shut the donkey abattoirs. Communities that rely on donkeys for their livelihoods are suffering. People are dying.” He then straightened up and with the cautiousness of a calculating chameleon, he proceeded for home, with that resigned look of one who knows that at his age, life had stopped giving and only took away.
Mzee Morintat represents hundreds of donkey owners especially those living on the borderlines of Kenya and Tanzania who have wallowed in the miasma of pain, sorrow, and abject poverty arising from the illegal cross-border trade of donkeys that has continued since 2016 leaving behind a trail of socio-economic destruction.
Maasai elders meet Africa Network for Animal Welfare (ANAW) team in a Focus Group Discussion on donkey cross-border movement at Kona Maziwa near Shompole, in Kajiado County, Kenya. Credit: Africa Network for Animal Welfare (ANAW)
From Kenya’s Oloolaimutia, Olposumoru in Narok County to Shompole, Namanga, Olgulului, and Olmapinu in Kajiado County, deep etched pain and resignation register in the eyes of donkey owning communities; their facial furrows occasioned not by age, but of sorrow and poverty are marks of their endurance. In Tanzania’s Longido, Sinya, Tarakea, and Mgagao regions the story is the same for the donkey dependent communities. The situation is so dire that community elders warn there would be no donkey left roaming the expansive border stretch by 2023 if nothing is done to halt the illegal cross-border movement of donkeys.
When the rains started pounding
Since 2016, Kenya has seen the operationalization of four donkey abattoirs—more than any other country on the continent—that has hitherto driven the ‘beast of burden’ to near annihilation. These entities: Star-Brilliant (Nakuru County), Goldox Kenya Limited (Baringo County), Fuhai Machakos Trading Company (Machakos County) and Silzha Limited (Turkana County) have been slaughtering over 1,000 donkeys every day to quench an insatiable demand for donkey skin products by the Chinese and Asian populace, crippling an already dwindling population of 1.8 million as per the Kenya National Population and Housing Census (2009).
Kenya and Tanzania share a scarcely unmanned border stretch of nearly 769 kilometers with only two official border crossing points (Namanga and Kibauni) along Kajiado and Narok Counties that link the two countries to facilitate socio-economic ties.
Donkey owners in an Open Forum Meeting to discuss the impact of cross border movement of donkeys along the Kenya-Tanzania border, at Oloolaimutia, Narok County, Kenya. Credit: Africa Network for Animal Welfare (ANAW)
According to our sources, the donkey cross-border movement was driven by the soaring demand for donkeys in Kenya induced by better prices offered in donkey markets and slaughterhouses. Unscrupulous traders would pay middle-men mostly Maasai traders around KES 5,000 to ‘get’ donkeys from Tanzania and move them across the border through unofficial routes to Kenyan soil from which they would load them inhumanely on waiting trucks and transport them for days without any nourishment, to slaughterhouses or donkey markets, where they would sell them between KES 12,000 – KES 15,000 making exorbitant profits, a claim confirmed by the County Director of Veterinary Services in Kajiado County, Dr. Achola Yala. “An estimate of 108,000 donkeys were trafficked into Kenya from Tanzania between 2017 and 2019 through seven unsanctioned and treacherous routes: Ololaimutia, Ilkerin, and Olposimoru in Narok County as well as Shompole, Namanga,” Dr. Yala added.
The Promise That Never Was!
The promulgation of the Constitution of Kenya in August 2010 promised a fresh epoch for its subjects’ dignity (both human and non-human). One of its key promises was sustainable exploitation, utilization, management, and conservation of the environment and natural resources; while fostering public participation in the management, protection, and conservation of genetic resources and biological diversity. A decade down the course, this realization and conviction is still a transient ambition.
Donkey owners meet with Africa Network for Animal Welfare (ANAW) Team at Olposumoru, outside Chief’s office, to discuss the impact of Kenya-Tanzania donkey cross-border movement. Credit: Africa Network for Animal Welfare (ANAW)
The wanton slaughter of donkeys in Kenya for meat and skin with no regulation or resource allotment towards research and future preservation is contrary to the ideals of Kenya’s 2010 constitution. There exists a massive disparity regarding policy and legal frameworks that are responsible for upholding donkey welfare, public health, and environmental conservation both at national and county levels. In addition, the lack of a national donkey identification, registration, and traceability system has muddled the tracking and recovery of the animal across the vast border.
Glimmer of hope
After a sustained media campaigns against illegal cross-border movement of donkeys by ANAW and Brooke East Africa climaxing on airing of a special investigative piece dubbed #HideousBurden by a regional broadcaster, concerned communities breathed a sigh of relief on February 24, 2020, as Kenya’s Minister for Agriculture and Livestock, Hon. Peter Munya made a landmark pronouncement that the government was banning donkey export trade and subsequently giving the proprietors of the existing four donkey abattoirs a month’s notice to wind up donkey business. Hon. Munya has since published the ban in Kenya’s Gazette Notice to make it a government directive.
However, while this seems to be good news to many, there are fears that this trade is far from over, for it may have just opened the dark door to donkey’s black market. Importantly, with Kenya still reeling under the cancer of corruption, some shrewd businessmen with a keen interest in donkey trade may end up buying their way to have the ban lifted.
Dar es Salaam, June 9 — The leader of Tanzania opposition in the parliament and national chairman of the country’s main opposition party Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA), was on Tuesday brutally assaulted by unknown assailants shortly after arriving at his flat in the capital city Dodoma shortly after midnight, his party and the local police chief said.
Gires Muroto, Police commander in the administrative capital, Dodoma confirmed the incident and said security forces have launched an investigation against the crime but warned members of the public against using the incident for political gain.
“We are investigating this incident to find out the truth and bring to justice all those involved,” he told Ubuntu Times
According to Muroto, Mbowe, who is an elected legislator, was ambushed by three people, who beat him up and broke his right leg by twisting it.
“This is a criminal incident like any other, nobody should use it to peddle political gain with the aim to get popularity,” Muroto said.
However, local media reports suggest, the attackers wrestled Mbowe on the ground, dragged him, and severely beat him up before they vanished.
Mbowe, who along with other opposition MPs were found guilty for sedition in March, jailed and made to pay a hefty fine to be released from prison, was rushed to a local hospital, and has now been airlifted to Dar es Salaam for further treatment, officials at his party said.
Before he was flown, Tanzania’s Prime Minister Kassim Majaliwa, Speaker of the parliament Job Ndugai and his deputy along with several legislators paid him a visit at the hospital to wish him well.
The incident, which happened ahead of the general election scheduled to take place on October 25, 2020, is a grim reminder of a daring assassination attempt against another opposition legislator and outspoken critic of President John Magufuli, Tundu Lissu who suffered multiple gunshot wounds on September 7, 2017, after unknown people sprinkled machine-gun fire on his parked Sports Utility Vehicle (SUV) at his home, leaving his body riddled with multiple life-threatening wounds.
The attack against Mbowe happened barely a day after Lissu, his deputy, currently living in exile in Europe officially declared interest to run for president in October polls, and aiming to use the democratic process to challenge the incumbent leader.
John Mnyika, the Secretary-General of CHADEMA told reporters in Dodoma that there’s every indication the assault against Mbowe is politically motivated since the assailants, allegedly mocked Mbowe, saying they wanted to “break him up” to see if he can participate in the campaign trail.
“Those who attacked Chairman Mbowe were saying some words, that you’re disturbing the government. They said we will not kill you. Though those people had firearms, they did not use them,” Mnyika said.
Tanzania, a nation of 57 million people has for a long time been perceived as a haven of peace for Africa’s most stable democracies. President Magufuli, whose first term in office comes to an end, is expected to be re-elected in the forthcoming polls on the ticket of Chama Cha Mapinduzi—a revolutionary party that has governed the country since its independence from Britain.
Peter Msigwa, an opposition legislator claimed that Chairman Mbowe’s security detail had been abruptly removed as the country was battling the Coronavirus pandemic, adding that the attackers cornered him as he was taking the stairs, saying they didn’t want to kill him but to break his limbs so that he couldn’t campaign.
Ubuntu Times couldn’t independently verify the claims.
Fatma Karume, an astute lawyer and vocal critic of the government who served as a president of the Tanganyika Law Society—an umbrella organization for lawyers described violent assaults against members of the opposition as “potent for a violent election.”
Ismail Jussa, a strategist with ACT-Wazalendo Party described the attack as “shocking” adding that “It should be strongly condemned.”
Dar es Salaam, June 8 — A controversial bill seeking to protect the sitting president and other top political leaders from prosecution has provoked anger in Tanzania, with campaigners claiming it will create a clique of elites who are above the law, while preventing the people from holding their elected leaders into account.
The new law comes barely a year after the parliament in the East African country passed amendments to legislation that criminalizes political activities by giving government-appointed registrar of political parties sweeping powers to de-register parties and jail anyone engaging in unauthorized civic education, a move that opposition say would pave way for one-party rule.
Tanzania, a country of 57 million people, has long been regarded as a beacon of hope for Africa’s most stable democracies. The ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi has governed since the country’s independence from Britain.
President John Magufuli, 60, who seeks re-election in this year’s polls scheduled to take place in October, this year, is increasingly becoming authoritarian.
His government’s curb on individual freedoms including the right to peaceful assembly, free speech, and detaining critics have drawn fierce criticism from Western donors supporting the country’s development on annual basis.
The Written Laws (Miscellaneous Amendments) (No.3) 2020, presented in the parliament last week and now open for public discussion, among other things seeks to grant presidential immunity despite the presence of a similar law protecting a person with a powerful position against prosecution over offenses committed by that person when their term in office comes to an end.
Article 46 of Tanzania’s constitution states, during the president’s tenure in office, no criminal proceeding against him shall be instituted when he ceases to hold the office of the president.
Sifuni Mchome, Permanent Secretary in the ministry responsible for constitutional and legal affairs said there’s nothing unusual in the proposed bill, currently awaiting parliamentary approval.
The government’s move to provide a legal cloak to those in echelons of power is widely perceived as an attempt to cement the president’s firm grip on power.
Also known as “the Bulldozer” President Magufuli, who became president under the ticket of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party, has introduced tougher reforms in the East African second-largest economy, curbing systemic corruption and public malfeasance as well as introducing free education from primary to tertiary education.
Local human rights campaigners have vented their frustration over the bill, claiming they had been accorded a short time to scrutinize the proposed amendments and air their views.
In a statement to the media, the campaigners stated that the proposed changes contradict tenets of the country’s constitution and trample on the principles of separation of powers, where the government is accountable to the parliament, composed of elected representatives of the people and an independent judiciary that dispenses justice without fear or favor.
“The basic foundation of any democratic society are the three institutions of government: the Legislature, the Judiciary, and the Executive all working independently to hold each other accountable for performance, delivery, and ethics,” campaigners said in a statement.
According to them, the proposed new law will give the president, the country’s Attorney General unwarranted mandate to dictate parliamentary business.
Onesmo Olengurumwa, a renowned human rights lawyer and director leading a nationwide coalition of rights defenders said the proposed amendments will affect people’s rights as spelled out in the constitution while denying them the opportunity to directly hold their leaders accountable through the court of law.
Critics said that the idea that all people are equal under the law is not a relative concept, adding that the proposed change is an attempt to shake the foundation of the country’s constitution that sets a bad precedent.
Dennis Bugumba, a Tanzanian public affairs analyst based in The United Kingdom, criticized the habit of leaving matters of national importance in the hands of the opposition.
“If this bill goes through, it will be all over. And yet, society’s silence on it is eerily deafening, and its indifference sobering.” He wrote on his Facebook page adding “when the opposition is defeated and the bill passes, we then blame the opposition for being incompetent, while lauding our rulers.”
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